Deck 40: Dangerous Pipelines, Dangerous People: Colonial Ecological Violence and Media Framing of Threat in the Dakota Access Pipeline Conflict
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Deck 40: Dangerous Pipelines, Dangerous People: Colonial Ecological Violence and Media Framing of Threat in the Dakota Access Pipeline Conflict
1
The goal of ______ was to stop the proposed Dakota Access Pipeline from passing under Lake Oahe.
A) the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers
B) the Water Protectors
C) Energy Transfer Partners (ETP)
D) the Pick Sloan Act
A) the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers
B) the Water Protectors
C) Energy Transfer Partners (ETP)
D) the Pick Sloan Act
B
2
When did the No DAPL conflict first receive widespread media attention?
A) 2012
B) 2014
C) 2016
D) 2019
A) 2012
B) 2014
C) 2016
D) 2019
C
3
In what way was the media coverage of the NO DAPL protest historic?
A) It was centered on Indigenous concerns.
B) It overemphasized disruptive tactics.
C) Issues relating to indigenous people do not usually make national news.
D) It normalized and legitimized police militarization.
A) It was centered on Indigenous concerns.
B) It overemphasized disruptive tactics.
C) Issues relating to indigenous people do not usually make national news.
D) It normalized and legitimized police militarization.
C
4
J. M. Bacon argues that media coverage of NO DAPL contributed to colonial ecological violence, specifically through the discussion of ______.
A) security and risk
B) ethnicity and racism
C) government-to-government relations and treaty reserved rights
D) public health
A) security and risk
B) ethnicity and racism
C) government-to-government relations and treaty reserved rights
D) public health
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5
Which of the following methods did J. M. Bacon use to conduct the study?
A) questionnaires
B) content analysis
C) interviews
D) participant observation
A) questionnaires
B) content analysis
C) interviews
D) participant observation
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6
J. M. Bacon created codes for two sub-types of risk, including ______.
A) pipeline risk and protestor risk
B) Indigenous people risk and police risk
C) newspaper risk and TV risk
D) people risk and environment risk
A) pipeline risk and protestor risk
B) Indigenous people risk and police risk
C) newspaper risk and TV risk
D) people risk and environment risk
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7
In the earliest coverage of NO DAPL, discussions of risk/security centered around which of the following?
A) the Indigenous protestors
B) the police
C) treaty rights
D) the pipeline itself
A) the Indigenous protestors
B) the police
C) treaty rights
D) the pipeline itself
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8
When did the protest-as-risk media framing begin?
A) During the initial regulatory decision rounds
B) After ETP used attack dogs against Water Protectors
C) After the permitting decision and resulting lawsuit
D) In the earliest coverage of NO DAPL
A) During the initial regulatory decision rounds
B) After ETP used attack dogs against Water Protectors
C) After the permitting decision and resulting lawsuit
D) In the earliest coverage of NO DAPL
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9
After ETP used attack dogs against the Water Protectors, ______ took the opportunity to assert their commitment to pipeline and public safety.
A) the Water Protectors
B) ETP
C) the police
D) the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers
A) the Water Protectors
B) ETP
C) the police
D) the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers
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10
A final shift in framing ultimately portrayed the Water Protectors' protest as ______.
A) peaceful
B) pollution
C) attention-seeking
D) violence
A) peaceful
B) pollution
C) attention-seeking
D) violence
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11
What is colonial ecological violence?
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12
According to J. M. Bacon, what do analyses of media framing of Indigenous resistance reveal?
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13
According to J. M. Bacon's analysis of media coverage of NO DAPL, what were the stages of risk framing that occurred?
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14
According to the author, what was the missing discourse during the NO DAPL conflict?
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15
What suggestion does the author make at the end of the article to foster a deeper understanding of "counter-frames"?
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