In Table 5, we illustrate the distribution of attributes in a hypothetical community in the New York City Borough of Queens that is divided along language and race lines. Use this table to answer the following three questions.
$$\begin{array}{l}
\text { Table 5: Distribution of Attributes in a Hypothetical Queens Neighborhood }\
\
\begin{array} { |l | l l l |}
\hline & \text { White (\%) } & \text { South Asian (\%) } & \text { Latino (\%) } \
\hline \text { English speaking } & 18 & 14 & 14 \
\text { Spanish speaking } & 7 & 2 & 13 \
\text { Hindi speaking } & 0 & 7 & 0 \
\text { Polish speaking } & 25 & 0 & 0 \
\hline
\end{array}
\end{array}$$
-Let's assume that experience from recent elections in this New York community have led political analysts to expect that in order to win political office, a candidate needs to win at least 48% of the vote. Let's also assume that political entrepreneurs will try to mobilize voters along either racial or linguistic lines. If this is the case, what identity category or categories COULD be activated or politicized to win the election? In other words, what identity category or categories (racial or linguistic) form minimal winning coalitions?

Question

In Table 5, we illustrate the distribution of attributes in a hypothetical community in the New York City Borough of Queens that is divided along language and race lines. Use this table to answer the following three questions.
 $$\begin{array}{l}
\text { Table 5: Distribution of Attributes in a Hypothetical Queens Neighborhood }\
\
\begin{array} { |l | l l l |} 
\hline & \text { White (\%) } & \text { South Asian (\%) } & \text { Latino (\%) } \
\hline \text { English speaking } & 18 & 14 & 14 \
\text { Spanish speaking } & 7 & 2 & 13 \
\text { Hindi speaking } & 0 & 7 & 0 \
\text { Polish speaking } & 25 & 0 & 0 \
\hline
\end{array}
\end{array}$$
-Let's assume that experience from recent elections in this New York community have led political analysts to expect that in order to win political office, a candidate needs to win at least 48% of the vote. Let's also assume that political entrepreneurs will try to mobilize voters along either racial or linguistic lines. If this is the case, what identity category or categories COULD be activated or politicized to win the election? In other words, what identity category or categories (racial or linguistic) form minimal winning coalitions?

Quizplus · Accepted Answer

The Answer of In Table 5, we illustrate the distribution of attributes in a hypothetical community in the New York City Borough of Queens that is divided along language and race lines. Use this table to answer the following three questions.
 $$\begin{array}{l}
\text { Table 5: Distribution of Attributes in a Hypothetical Queens Neighborhood }\
\
\begin{array} { |l | l l l |} 
\hline & \text { White (\%) } & \text { South Asian (\%) } & \text { Latino (\%) } \
\hline \text { English speaking } & 18 & 14 & 14 \
\text { Spanish speaking } & 7 & 2 & 13 \
\text { Hindi speaking } & 0 & 7 & 0 \
\text { Polish speaking } & 25 & 0 & 0 \
\hline
\end{array}
\end{array}$$
-Let's assume that experience from recent elections in this New York community have led political analysts to expect that in order to win political office, a candidate needs to win at least 48% of the vote. Let's also assume that political entrepreneurs will try to mobilize voters along either racial or linguistic lines. If this is the case, what identity category or categories COULD be activated or politicized to win the election? In other words, what identity category or categories (racial or linguistic) form minimal winning coalitions?

In Table 5, We Illustrate the Distribution of Attributes in a Hypothetical