Deck 2: Class

Question 1

From Unequal Childhoods by Annette Lareau
Lareau explores the largely invisible but powerful ways that parents' social class impacts children's life experiences. Using in-depth interviews she documents that inequality permeates the fabric of culture across class lines. Differences in child-rearing practices across class lines is systematic, with middle-class children internalizing values that are more likely to produce a socioeconomic advantage as they move into adulthood and the labor force.
-Characterize the class-based "concerted development" child-rearing pattern.

Answer 1

The class-based "concerted development" child-rearing pattern, as characterized by Annette Lareau in Unequal Childhoods, refers to the systematic and intentional approach to child-rearing that is prevalent among middle-class families. This approach involves parents actively fostering their children's cognitive and social skills through organized activities, structured schedules, and extensive parental involvement in their children's lives. Middle-class parents are more likely to engage in activities such as music lessons, sports teams, and educational outings, and they prioritize their children's individual development and success. This concerted effort to cultivate their children's talents and abilities is aimed at giving them a competitive advantage in the future labor force and ensuring their upward mobility. In contrast, working-class and poor families tend to practice a "natural growth" child-rearing pattern, which is characterized by a more hands-off approach and less structured activities, leading to differences in the development of skills and opportunities for social and economic advancement.

Question 2

From Unequal Childhoods by Annette Lareau
Lareau explores the largely invisible but powerful ways that parents' social class impacts children's life experiences. Using in-depth interviews she documents that inequality permeates the fabric of culture across class lines. Differences in child-rearing practices across class lines is systematic, with middle-class children internalizing values that are more likely to produce a socioeconomic advantage as they move into adulthood and the labor force.
-Characterize the "natural development" child-rearing pattern.

Answer 2

In Annette Lareau's book "Unequal Childhoods," she identifies two primary child-rearing patterns that vary systematically by social class: "concerted cultivation" and "the accomplishment of natural growth." The "natural development" child-rearing pattern, which is more accurately referred to as "the accomplishment of natural growth," is typically found among working-class and poor families.

The "accomplishment of natural growth" child-rearing pattern is characterized by a more hands-off approach to parenting. Parents who follow this model tend to believe that children will naturally grow and thrive if they are provided with love, comfort, and care. They do not focus as much on structuring their children's time with organized activities or actively developing their talents and skills through extracurricular activities. Instead, children are given more freedom to play and to organize their own time. This allows them to develop independence and self-reliance, as they often have to manage their own time and entertain themselves.

In this approach, parents are less likely to intervene in their children's school experiences. They may place a high value on respect for authority and expect children to comply with adults and institutions without questioning them. Communication styles in families that follow the natural growth model tend to be more directive rather than the conversational and negotiation-oriented style seen in middle-class families.

While this approach can foster a strong sense of family solidarity and independence, Lareau argues that it may not provide children with the same set of skills, behaviors, and cultural competencies that are valued and rewarded by educational and professional institutions. As a result, children raised in this pattern may be at a disadvantage when it comes to navigating social institutions and capitalizing on opportunities that could lead to socioeconomic advancement.

Lareau's work highlights that these differences in child-rearing practices are not due to a lack of concern or effort on the part of parents, but rather reflect broader social and economic constraints and the cultural practices that are accessible and make sense within those constraints. The "accomplishment of natural growth" is a viable and loving way to raise children, but it operates within a social context that often values and rewards the skills and dispositions fostered by the "concerted cultivation" approach more common among middle-class families.

Question 3

From Unequal Childhoods by Annette Lareau
Lareau explores the largely invisible but powerful ways that parents' social class impacts children's life experiences. Using in-depth interviews she documents that inequality permeates the fabric of culture across class lines. Differences in child-rearing practices across class lines is systematic, with middle-class children internalizing values that are more likely to produce a socioeconomic advantage as they move into adulthood and the labor force.
-How do class-based child-rearing practices result in the transmission of differential advantage to children?

Answer 3

Class-based child-rearing practices result in the transmission of differential advantage to children in several ways. First, middle-class parents are more likely to engage in concerted cultivation, which involves actively fostering their children's talents, skills, and abilities through organized activities, structured schedules, and constant interaction with adults. This approach helps children develop a sense of entitlement, self-confidence, and the ability to navigate institutional settings, all of which are advantageous in the labor force.

On the other hand, working-class and poor parents tend to practice natural growth, which allows children more freedom to play and explore on their own, but may not provide the same level of exposure to organized activities and adult interactions. As a result, children from these backgrounds may not develop the same level of comfort and familiarity with institutional settings, and may lack the same sense of entitlement and self-advocacy as their middle-class peers.

Additionally, middle-class parents are more likely to advocate for their children within institutional settings, such as schools, healthcare, and extracurricular activities, which can lead to better opportunities and resources for their children. This advocacy can result in better educational outcomes, access to influential networks, and a greater sense of agency and empowerment for middle-class children.

Overall, the differential advantage that is transmitted to children through class-based child-rearing practices is rooted in the social, cultural, and economic capital that middle-class parents are able to provide for their children, which in turn shapes their life experiences and opportunities as they move into adulthood.

Question 4

From Unequal Childhoods by Annette Lareau
Lareau explores the largely invisible but powerful ways that parents' social class impacts children's life experiences. Using in-depth interviews she documents that inequality permeates the fabric of culture across class lines. Differences in child-rearing practices across class lines is systematic, with middle-class children internalizing values that are more likely to produce a socioeconomic advantage as they move into adulthood and the labor force.
-What does Lareau mean when saying middle-class children develop a "sense of entitlement"?

Question 5

From Unequal Childhoods by Annette Lareau
Lareau explores the largely invisible but powerful ways that parents' social class impacts children's life experiences. Using in-depth interviews she documents that inequality permeates the fabric of culture across class lines. Differences in child-rearing practices across class lines is systematic, with middle-class children internalizing values that are more likely to produce a socioeconomic advantage as they move into adulthood and the labor force.
-Lareau's analysis of class differences in child rearing supports the view that:

A) Economic opportunity exists for all
B) There are unequal economic opportunities across class lines
C) Economic opportunity is on the wane for all
D) Economic opportunity for all classes has always been something of a myth.

Question 6

From Unequal Childhoods by Annette Lareau
Lareau explores the largely invisible but powerful ways that parents' social class impacts children's life experiences. Using in-depth interviews she documents that inequality permeates the fabric of culture across class lines. Differences in child-rearing practices across class lines is systematic, with middle-class children internalizing values that are more likely to produce a socioeconomic advantage as they move into adulthood and the labor force.
-working-class children derive more advantage than middle-class children from contact with key institutions such as the educational system.

Question 7

From Unequal Childhoods by Annette Lareau
Lareau explores the largely invisible but powerful ways that parents' social class impacts children's life experiences. Using in-depth interviews she documents that inequality permeates the fabric of culture across class lines. Differences in child-rearing practices across class lines is systematic, with middle-class children internalizing values that are more likely to produce a socioeconomic advantage as they move into adulthood and the labor force.
-According to Lareau, previous research on the consequences of class-based child-rearing practices has been limited by its:

A) Failure to distinguish between class groups
B) Too broad-based a focus
C) Too narrow a focus
D) Failure to incorporate relevant literatures into their studies.

Question 8

From The Declining Significance of Race by William J. Wilson
In The Declining Significance of Race William Wilson assesses the causal importance of race and social class in structuring economic opportunities for blacks across American history. This relationship has varied across time and is demarcated by three distinct historical phases: During the caste oppression phase in the rural South between 1870-1920, blacks were born into poverty and lived their lives out in poverty because of pronounced discrimination based solely on race. During the competitive period from 1920-1950, race still predominated as blacks asserted a presence in the industrializing centers of the Northeast and Midwest; at this time they competed with whites for jobs and residences, but were rebuffed, resulting in segregation that limited opportunities, primarily because of race. Finally, during the class subordination phase after World War II, blacks became distributed across the United States and across the class structure in such a manner that their economic status superseded race as a determinant of economic prospects.
-According to Wilson, what led to increasing class differentiation of the black population in the class subordination period?

Question 9

From The Declining Significance of Race by William J. Wilson
In The Declining Significance of Race William Wilson assesses the causal importance of race and social class in structuring economic opportunities for blacks across American history. This relationship has varied across time and is demarcated by three distinct historical phases: During the caste oppression phase in the rural South between 1870-1920, blacks were born into poverty and lived their lives out in poverty because of pronounced discrimination based solely on race. During the competitive period from 1920-1950, race still predominated as blacks asserted a presence in the industrializing centers of the Northeast and Midwest; at this time they competed with whites for jobs and residences, but were rebuffed, resulting in segregation that limited opportunities, primarily because of race. Finally, during the class subordination phase after World War II, blacks became distributed across the United States and across the class structure in such a manner that their economic status superseded race as a determinant of economic prospects.
-What role does Wilson assign to racial discrimination in accounting for the economic opportunities of blacks in the class subordination period?

Question 10

From The Declining Significance of Race by William J. Wilson
In The Declining Significance of Race William Wilson assesses the causal importance of race and social class in structuring economic opportunities for blacks across American history. This relationship has varied across time and is demarcated by three distinct historical phases: During the caste oppression phase in the rural South between 1870-1920, blacks were born into poverty and lived their lives out in poverty because of pronounced discrimination based solely on race. During the competitive period from 1920-1950, race still predominated as blacks asserted a presence in the industrializing centers of the Northeast and Midwest; at this time they competed with whites for jobs and residences, but were rebuffed, resulting in segregation that limited opportunities, primarily because of race. Finally, during the class subordination phase after World War II, blacks became distributed across the United States and across the class structure in such a manner that their economic status superseded race as a determinant of economic prospects.
-According to Wilson, what role does politics play in accounting for the economic prospects of blacks during the class subordination phase?

Question 11

From The Declining Significance of Race by William J. Wilson
In The Declining Significance of Race William Wilson assesses the causal importance of race and social class in structuring economic opportunities for blacks across American history. This relationship has varied across time and is demarcated by three distinct historical phases: During the caste oppression phase in the rural South between 1870-1920, blacks were born into poverty and lived their lives out in poverty because of pronounced discrimination based solely on race. During the competitive period from 1920-1950, race still predominated as blacks asserted a presence in the industrializing centers of the Northeast and Midwest; at this time they competed with whites for jobs and residences, but were rebuffed, resulting in segregation that limited opportunities, primarily because of race. Finally, during the class subordination phase after World War II, blacks became distributed across the United States and across the class structure in such a manner that their economic status superseded race as a determinant of economic prospects.
-What demographic shifts in American history have helped to shape the race/class relationship among African Americans? When did they occur?

Question 12

From The Declining Significance of Race by William J. Wilson
In The Declining Significance of Race William Wilson assesses the causal importance of race and social class in structuring economic opportunities for blacks across American history. This relationship has varied across time and is demarcated by three distinct historical phases: During the caste oppression phase in the rural South between 1870-1920, blacks were born into poverty and lived their lives out in poverty because of pronounced discrimination based solely on race. During the competitive period from 1920-1950, race still predominated as blacks asserted a presence in the industrializing centers of the Northeast and Midwest; at this time they competed with whites for jobs and residences, but were rebuffed, resulting in segregation that limited opportunities, primarily because of race. Finally, during the class subordination phase after World War II, blacks became distributed across the United States and across the class structure in such a manner that their economic status superseded race as a determinant of economic prospects.
-What are the two African American social-class groupings created in the class subordination period?

A) Elite and sub-elite
B) The middle class and the poor
C) The poor and the working class
D) The rich and the sub-rich.

Question 13

From The Declining Significance of Race by William J. Wilson
In The Declining Significance of Race William Wilson assesses the causal importance of race and social class in structuring economic opportunities for blacks across American history. This relationship has varied across time and is demarcated by three distinct historical phases: During the caste oppression phase in the rural South between 1870-1920, blacks were born into poverty and lived their lives out in poverty because of pronounced discrimination based solely on race. During the competitive period from 1920-1950, race still predominated as blacks asserted a presence in the industrializing centers of the Northeast and Midwest; at this time they competed with whites for jobs and residences, but were rebuffed, resulting in segregation that limited opportunities, primarily because of race. Finally, during the class subordination phase after World War II, blacks became distributed across the United States and across the class structure in such a manner that their economic status superseded race as a determinant of economic prospects.
-According to Wilson, the interplay of what causal factors structure the relationship between race and social class?

A) Economics and geography
B) Geography and demography
C) Economics and politics
D) Geography and demography.

Question 14

From The Declining Significance of Race by William J. Wilson
In The Declining Significance of Race William Wilson assesses the causal importance of race and social class in structuring economic opportunities for blacks across American history. This relationship has varied across time and is demarcated by three distinct historical phases: During the caste oppression phase in the rural South between 1870-1920, blacks were born into poverty and lived their lives out in poverty because of pronounced discrimination based solely on race. During the competitive period from 1920-1950, race still predominated as blacks asserted a presence in the industrializing centers of the Northeast and Midwest; at this time they competed with whites for jobs and residences, but were rebuffed, resulting in segregation that limited opportunities, primarily because of race. Finally, during the class subordination phase after World War II, blacks became distributed across the United States and across the class structure in such a manner that their economic status superseded race as a determinant of economic prospects.
-According to Wilson, racial discrimination has been eradicated during the class subordination period.

Question 15

"Poverty in the United States: An Overview" by Cliff Brown
Brown presents key facts about the nature, extent, and causes of poverty in the U.S. He makes two main points: 1) Aggregate rates of poverty do not capture variation in its rate across sub-groups in the U.S., and 2) Americans tend to explain the causes of poverty in terms of personal and individual causal factors, such as the ability, efforts, and morals of people rather than their circumstances such as discrimination and blocked socioeconomic opportunities.
-What does Brown mean when he says people explain the causes of poverty in an "individualistic" manner?

Question 16

"Poverty in the United States: An Overview" by Cliff Brown
Brown presents key facts about the nature, extent, and causes of poverty in the U.S. He makes two main points: 1) Aggregate rates of poverty do not capture variation in its rate across sub-groups in the U.S., and 2) Americans tend to explain the causes of poverty in terms of personal and individual causal factors, such as the ability, efforts, and morals of people rather than their circumstances such as discrimination and blocked socioeconomic opportunities.
-What does Brown mean when he says poverty has "intergenerational consequences"?

Question 17

"Poverty in the United States: An Overview" by Cliff Brown
Brown presents key facts about the nature, extent, and causes of poverty in the U.S. He makes two main points: 1) Aggregate rates of poverty do not capture variation in its rate across sub-groups in the U.S., and 2) Americans tend to explain the causes of poverty in terms of personal and individual causal factors, such as the ability, efforts, and morals of people rather than their circumstances such as discrimination and blocked socioeconomic opportunities.
-Describe the full range of the damaging consequences of poverty.

Question 18

"Poverty in the United States: An Overview" by Cliff Brown
Brown presents key facts about the nature, extent, and causes of poverty in the U.S. He makes two main points: 1) Aggregate rates of poverty do not capture variation in its rate across sub-groups in the U.S., and 2) Americans tend to explain the causes of poverty in terms of personal and individual causal factors, such as the ability, efforts, and morals of people rather than their circumstances such as discrimination and blocked socioeconomic opportunities.
-Based on Brown's analysis, would you say social class background impacts on vulnerability to poverty? Why or why not?

Question 19

"Poverty in the United States: An Overview" by Cliff Brown
Brown presents key facts about the nature, extent, and causes of poverty in the U.S. He makes two main points: 1) Aggregate rates of poverty do not capture variation in its rate across sub-groups in the U.S., and 2) Americans tend to explain the causes of poverty in terms of personal and individual causal factors, such as the ability, efforts, and morals of people rather than their circumstances such as discrimination and blocked socioeconomic opportunities.
-Poverty is roughly equally distributed across major statuses such as race/ethnicity, age, family structure, and sex.

Question 20

"Poverty in the United States: An Overview" by Cliff Brown
Brown presents key facts about the nature, extent, and causes of poverty in the U.S. He makes two main points: 1) Aggregate rates of poverty do not capture variation in its rate across sub-groups in the U.S., and 2) Americans tend to explain the causes of poverty in terms of personal and individual causal factors, such as the ability, efforts, and morals of people rather than their circumstances such as discrimination and blocked socioeconomic opportunities.
-In which of the following ways are statistics about the rate of poverty misleading?

A) It obscures variation in how far some live below the poverty line
B) It does not capture those who were born in poverty but experienced social mobility
C) It fails to capture how the elite population has expanded in recent decades
D) It fails to explain those who live in poverty throughout their lives.

Question 21

"Poverty in the United States: An Overview" by Cliff Brown
Brown presents key facts about the nature, extent, and causes of poverty in the U.S. He makes two main points: 1) Aggregate rates of poverty do not capture variation in its rate across sub-groups in the U.S., and 2) Americans tend to explain the causes of poverty in terms of personal and individual causal factors, such as the ability, efforts, and morals of people rather than their circumstances such as discrimination and blocked socioeconomic opportunities.
-Which of the following do not experience relatively high rates of poverty?

A) Children
B) Those in female-headed households
C) Racial minorities
D) Those in the rural Midwest.

Question 22

From "Digital Inequality: From Unequal Access to Differentiated Use" by Paul DiMaggio, Eszter Harittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer
This chapter reviews what we know about inequality in access to, and use of, new digital technologies with a special reference to the Internet. The focus is unique in terms of reviewing the literature because it is unusually broad: couching Internet dynamics within the context of new technologies allows the authors to draw reasoned conclusions about the dimensions of inequality associated with its use and the impact of these forms of informational technology and informational goods on inequality.
-How could inequality in access to the Internet produce soicoeconomic inequality?

Question 23

From "Digital Inequality: From Unequal Access to Differentiated Use" by Paul DiMaggio, Eszter Harittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer
This chapter reviews what we know about inequality in access to, and use of, new digital technologies with a special reference to the Internet. The focus is unique in terms of reviewing the literature because it is unusually broad: couching Internet dynamics within the context of new technologies allows the authors to draw reasoned conclusions about the dimensions of inequality associated with its use and the impact of these forms of informational technology and informational goods on inequality.
-How has the advent of new technologies--such as the Internet--been thought to produce greater inequality in the workplace?

Question 24

From "Digital Inequality: From Unequal Access to Differentiated Use" by Paul DiMaggio, Eszter Harittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer
This chapter reviews what we know about inequality in access to, and use of, new digital technologies with a special reference to the Internet. The focus is unique in terms of reviewing the literature because it is unusually broad: couching Internet dynamics within the context of new technologies allows the authors to draw reasoned conclusions about the dimensions of inequality associated with its use and the impact of these forms of informational technology and informational goods on inequality.
-Identify the sociodemographic profile of high Internet users.

Question 25

From "Digital Inequality: From Unequal Access to Differentiated Use" by Paul DiMaggio, Eszter Harittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer
This chapter reviews what we know about inequality in access to, and use of, new digital technologies with a special reference to the Internet. The focus is unique in terms of reviewing the literature because it is unusually broad: couching Internet dynamics within the context of new technologies allows the authors to draw reasoned conclusions about the dimensions of inequality associated with its use and the impact of these forms of informational technology and informational goods on inequality.
-How is variation in the extent to which people exercise autonomy in using the Web constitute a dimension of inequality?

Question 26

From "Digital Inequality: From Unequal Access to Differentiated Use" by Paul DiMaggio, Eszter Harittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer
This chapter reviews what we know about inequality in access to, and use of, new digital technologies with a special reference to the Internet. The focus is unique in terms of reviewing the literature because it is unusually broad: couching Internet dynamics within the context of new technologies allows the authors to draw reasoned conclusions about the dimensions of inequality associated with its use and the impact of these forms of informational technology and informational goods on inequality.
-The "digital divide" refers to the distinction between those who use a digitized version of the Internet versus those who do not.

Question 27

From "Digital Inequality: From Unequal Access to Differentiated Use" by Paul DiMaggio, Eszter Harittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer
This chapter reviews what we know about inequality in access to, and use of, new digital technologies with a special reference to the Internet. The focus is unique in terms of reviewing the literature because it is unusually broad: couching Internet dynamics within the context of new technologies allows the authors to draw reasoned conclusions about the dimensions of inequality associated with its use and the impact of these forms of informational technology and informational goods on inequality.
-Which of the following is not true about Internet use. There is variation in:

A) Uses of the Internet
B) Skill brought to the Internet
C) Speed used to "log-on" to the Internet
D) Level of autonomy when using the Internet.

Question 28

From "Digital Inequality: From Unequal Access to Differentiated Use" by Paul DiMaggio, Eszter Harittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer
This chapter reviews what we know about inequality in access to, and use of, new digital technologies with a special reference to the Internet. The focus is unique in terms of reviewing the literature because it is unusually broad: couching Internet dynamics within the context of new technologies allows the authors to draw reasoned conclusions about the dimensions of inequality associated with its use and the impact of these forms of informational technology and informational goods on inequality.
-The authors view the Internet as:

A) Largely recreational
B) Representing an emerging aspect of socioeconomic inequality
C) A form of technology that is not as influential as it used to be
D) All of the above.