Question 1

Passage
Because frequent consumption of unhealthy foods is strongly linked with cardiometabolic diseases, one way for governments to combat those afflictions may be to modify the eating habits of the general public.  Applying economic incentives or disincentives to various types of foods could potentially alter people's diets, leading to more positive health outcomes.Utilizing national data from 2012 regarding food consumption, health, and economic status, Peñalvo et al. concluded that such price adjustments would help to prevent deaths related to cardiometabolic diseases.  According to their analysis, increasing the prices of unhealthy foods such as processed meats and sugary sodas by 10%, while reducing the prices of healthy foods such as fruit and vegetables by 10%, would prevent an estimated 3.4% of yearly deaths in the U.S.  Changing prices by 30% would have an even stronger effect, preventing an estimated 9.2% of yearly deaths.  This data comports with that found in other countries: "These results are in line with previous modeling studies in South Africa and India, where a 20% SSB [sugar-sweetened beverage] tax was estimated to reduce diabetes prevalence by 4% over 20 years."  The effects of price adjustments would be most pronounced on persons of lower socioeconomic status, as the researchers "found an overall 18.2% higher price-responsiveness for low versus high SES groups."This differential effect based on socioeconomic status contributes to concerns about such interventions, however.  In Harvard Public Health Review, Kates and Hayward ask: "Well-intentioned though they may be, at what point do these taxes overstep government influence on an individual's right to autonomy in decision-making?  On whom does the increased financial burden of this taxation fall?"  They note that taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages, for instance, "are likely to have a greater impact on low-income individuals…because individuals in those settings are more likely to be beholden to cost when making decisions about food."However, "well-intentioned though they may be," the worries that Kates and Hayward express are to some extent misguided.  In particular, the idea that taxing unhealthy foods would burden those least able to afford it misses the point.  Although the increased taxes would affect anyone who continued to purchase the items despite the higher prices, the goal of raising prices on unhealthy foods is precisely to dissuade people from buying them.  As Kates and Hayward themselves remark, "those in low-income environments may also be the largest consumers of obesogenic foods and therefore most likely to benefit from such a lifestyle change indirectly posed by SSB taxes."  As the goal of the taxes is to promote those lifestyle changes, the financial burden objection is a non-starter.Given this recognition, the question regarding autonomy constitutes a more substantial issue.  Nevertheless, that concern also rests on a dubious assumption, as people's autonomy is not necessarily respected in the current situation either.  The fact that those of lower socioeconomic status are more likely to have poorer diets suggests that such persons' food choices are the result of financial constraint, not fully autonomous, rational deliberation.  Hence, by making healthy foods more affordable relative to unhealthy ones, government intervention might actually facilitate autonomous choices rather than hindering them.On the other hand, suppose that the disproportionate consumption of unhealthy foods-and associated higher incidence of disease-among certain groups is not the result of financial hardship but rather the result of those persons' perceived self-interest.  If so, that would suggest that members of these groups are being encouraged to persist in harmful dietary habits for the sake of corporate profits.  In that case, violating autonomy for the sake of health may be permissible anyway, as that practice would be morally preferable to the present system of corporate exploitation.
-The passage author argues that government interventions may legitimately violate some citizens' autonomy, as long as the interventions are:

Accepted Answer

Paragraph 1 conveys that "one way for governments to combat [cardiometabolic diseases] may be to modify the eating habits of the general public." By raising the prices of unhealthy foods and lowering the prices of healthy foods, a government "could potentially alter people's diets, leading to more positive health outcomes." However, the author acknowledges in Paragraph 5 that such an intervention might violate people's autonomy, noting that this "question regarding autonomy constitutes a more substantial issue" than concerns about the financial burden of price adjustments. The author advocates interventions despite that issue, arguing that "violating autonomy for the sake of health may be permissible anyway, as that practice would be morally preferable to the present system of corporate exploitation" (Paragraph 6). In other words, the author believes that it would be better for a government to violate citizens' autonomy in order to make them healthier, than to allow corporations to manipulate those citizens in order to increase profits. Consequently, the author argues that government interventions may legitimately violate some citizens' autonomy, as long as the interventions are meant to improve those citizens' well-being. (Choice A) According to Peñalvo et al., "increasing the prices of unhealthy foods such as processed meats and sugary sodas by 10%, while reducing the prices of healthy foods such as fruit and vegetables by 10%, would prevent an estimated 3.4% of yearly deaths in the U.S." (Paragraph 2). This data supports the claim that price adjustments would be effective in reducing disease. However, that is a separate question from whether it is legitimate to violate citizens' autonomy in order to achieve that goal. (Choice B) The author indicates that there is a "disproportionate consumption of unhealthy foods-and associated higher incidence of disease-among certain groups" (Paragraph 6). However, he or she never discusses whether a majority of other citizens would support government interventions on food prices. (Choice C) The author states that "[t]he effects of price adjustments would be most pronounced on persons of lower socioeconomic status" (Paragraph 2). He or she also discusses the "disproportionate consumption of unhealthy foods-and associated higher incidence of disease-among certain groups" (Paragraph 6). However, the author does not justify violating citizens' autonomy based on that disproportionate impact. Rather, he or she writes that "violating autonomy for the sake of health may be permissible…as that practice would be morally preferable to the present system of corporate exploitation" (Paragraph 6).

Question 2

Passage
Because frequent consumption of unhealthy foods is strongly linked with cardiometabolic diseases, one way for governments to combat those afflictions may be to modify the eating habits of the general public.  Applying economic incentives or disincentives to various types of foods could potentially alter people's diets, leading to more positive health outcomes.Utilizing national data from 2012 regarding food consumption, health, and economic status, Peñalvo et al. concluded that such price adjustments would help to prevent deaths related to cardiometabolic diseases.  According to their analysis, increasing the prices of unhealthy foods such as processed meats and sugary sodas by 10%, while reducing the prices of healthy foods such as fruit and vegetables by 10%, would prevent an estimated 3.4% of yearly deaths in the U.S.  Changing prices by 30% would have an even stronger effect, preventing an estimated 9.2% of yearly deaths.  This data comports with that found in other countries: "These results are in line with previous modeling studies in South Africa and India, where a 20% SSB [sugar-sweetened beverage] tax was estimated to reduce diabetes prevalence by 4% over 20 years."  The effects of price adjustments would be most pronounced on persons of lower socioeconomic status, as the researchers "found an overall 18.2% higher price-responsiveness for low versus high SES groups."This differential effect based on socioeconomic status contributes to concerns about such interventions, however.  In Harvard Public Health Review, Kates and Hayward ask: "Well-intentioned though they may be, at what point do these taxes overstep government influence on an individual's right to autonomy in decision-making?  On whom does the increased financial burden of this taxation fall?"  They note that taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages, for instance, "are likely to have a greater impact on low-income individuals…because individuals in those settings are more likely to be beholden to cost when making decisions about food."However, "well-intentioned though they may be," the worries that Kates and Hayward express are to some extent misguided.  In particular, the idea that taxing unhealthy foods would burden those least able to afford it misses the point.  Although the increased taxes would affect anyone who continued to purchase the items despite the higher prices, the goal of raising prices on unhealthy foods is precisely to dissuade people from buying them.  As Kates and Hayward themselves remark, "those in low-income environments may also be the largest consumers of obesogenic foods and therefore most likely to benefit from such a lifestyle change indirectly posed by SSB taxes."  As the goal of the taxes is to promote those lifestyle changes, the financial burden objection is a non-starter.Given this recognition, the question regarding autonomy constitutes a more substantial issue.  Nevertheless, that concern also rests on a dubious assumption, as people's autonomy is not necessarily respected in the current situation either.  The fact that those of lower socioeconomic status are more likely to have poorer diets suggests that such persons' food choices are the result of financial constraint, not fully autonomous, rational deliberation.  Hence, by making healthy foods more affordable relative to unhealthy ones, government intervention might actually facilitate autonomous choices rather than hindering them.On the other hand, suppose that the disproportionate consumption of unhealthy foods-and associated higher incidence of disease-among certain groups is not the result of financial hardship but rather the result of those persons' perceived self-interest.  If so, that would suggest that members of these groups are being encouraged to persist in harmful dietary habits for the sake of corporate profits.  In that case, violating autonomy for the sake of health may be permissible anyway, as that practice would be morally preferable to the present system of corporate exploitation.
-Suppose that despite the author's argument, a government remained reluctant to risk violating citizens' autonomy.  Which of the following possibilities represents the most reasonable compromise between the author's public health goals and the concerns raised by Kates and Hayward?

Accepted Answer

Paragraph 2 cites findings that "increasing the prices of unhealthy foods such as processed meats and sugary sodas by 10%, while reducing the prices of healthy foods such as fruit and vegetables by 10%, would prevent an estimated 3.4% of yearly deaths in the U.S." Accordingly, the author supports instituting such price adjustments as a way to improve public health. This plan raises the question of whether such government intervention would "overstep government influence on an individual's right to autonomy in decision-making'" (Paragraph 3). For instance, the author's "goal of raising prices on unhealthy foods…to dissuade people from buying them" (Paragraph 4) might be considered an unacceptable level of interference in people's decisions as consumers. However, that objection would apply only to increasing prices on unhealthy foods, which attempts to alter people's diets by preventing them from buying certain foods even if they want to. By contrast, lowering prices on healthy foods attempts to alter people's diets by making certain foods a more attractive choice. Therefore, the most reasonable compromise between the author's public health goals and the concerns raised by Kates and Hayward would be to reduce prices on healthy foods without increasing prices on unhealthy foods. (Choice A) Explaining the plan for "[a]pplying economic incentives or disincentives to various types of foods" (Paragraph 1) in advance would inform the public about the price changes. However, possessing that information would not mean that citizens had a choice about whether the price adjustments were implemented. Therefore, such explanation would not eliminate the potential for violating citizens' autonomy. (Choice B) According to Paragraph 5, "[t]he fact that those of lower socioeconomic status are more likely to have poorer diets suggests that such persons' food choices are the result of financial constraint." Therefore, the passage suggests that people frequently buy unhealthy foods because of economics, not necessarily because they lack education. Consequently, nutritional education would likely be less effective than providing an economic incentive to purchase healthy foods. (Choice C) Paragraph 3 states that "taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages…'are likely to have a greater impact on low-income individuals,'" while Paragraph 4 conveys that "the goal of raising prices on unhealthy foods is precisely to dissuade people from buying them." Therefore, excluding sugar-sweetened beverages from price increases to reduce disproportionate impact on certain groups would undermine the purpose of the proposed price adjustments.

Question 3

Passage
A crucial part of Pinker's argument against the theory of the blank slate is to address people's motivations for wanting that theory to be true.  As he sees it: "To acknowledge human nature, many think, is to endorse racism, sexism, war, greed….  Any claim that the mind has an innate organization strikes people not as a hypothesis that might be incorrect but as a thought that it is immoral to think."  People thus want to believe there is no such thing as human nature, in order to avoid the negative consequences they think would follow from its existence.  Pinker argues that this position not only must ignore the compelling scientific evidence that the mind does have an innate organization, but also depends upon a fundamental mistake about the implications of that idea.For example, suppose that the relative incidence of some desirable trait was higher in certain populations than in others.  If genetics plays no part in this phenomenon, then such a difference can be attributed solely to social conditions.  Not only would that analysis uphold our commitment to the fundamental equality of persons, but it would also mean that the difference is correctable-we have only to organize society in the proper way, and the disparities between groups would disappear.  On the other hand, if any part of the difference is attributed to genetics, then it would seem to open the door to stereotyping, mistreatment of individuals based on ethnicity, and other ills.  Thus the impulse to reject the prospect of a genetic component is strong, even if the evidence were to suggest such a correlation.However, this worry is based on two misconceptions.  Pinker notes that variance of traits by population would not justify treating members of some populations differently, because it is still wrong-logically as well as morally-to judge a particular person based on the average traits of a group.  Aside from recognizing that people should be evaluated as individuals, it is simply a fact that members of a group will display a variety of characteristics that may be closer to or farther away from a statistical average.  I would add that a supposed justification of differential treatment based on inborn traits does not reflect our normal moral intuitions.  For instance, if Person A is brighter than Person B, we do not therefore conclude that Person B deserves fewer rights or less human dignity.  In the same way, differences between groups also would not justify such a view.Similarly, Pinker argues that putative differences between the sexes are dismissed out of fear that such differences would promote an evaluative hierarchy between men and women.  However, the assumption that men and women cannot be equal unless they are the same ought to strike us as deeply troubling.  That claim would seem to imply that any difference must entail a difference of value, a position which is neither plausible nor morally legitimate…Such considerations also relate to the concerns about human perfectibility alluded to earlier.  Improving people through social institutions does not require that humans be blank slates; in fact, the opposite may be true.  If we ignore the realities of human nature, then the best-intentioned social programs may be ineffective or even harmful.  Moreover, the idea that human beings are completely malleable and can be "molded" as desired ought arguably to inspire more horror than optimism….  On the other hand, acknowledging the existence of human nature enables us to organize society in ways that work with humans as they really are.  Human traits and tendencies are not the straitjackets some imagine, and recognizing their influence allows nurture to work with nature instead of against it.
-Based on the passage, "human nature" is used to refer to which of the following phenomena?I. Inherent structure within the human mind
/_II. Characteristics more prevalent in some groups than others
/_III. Tendencies toward sex-differentiated social traits

Accepted Answer

The author cites Pinker's claim that "'[t]o acknowledge human nature, many think, is to endorse racism, sexism, war, greed…. Any claim that the mind has an innate organization strikes people not as a hypothesis that might be incorrect but as a thought that it is immoral to think'" (Paragraph 1). Therefore, acknowledging human nature is equated with believing that the mind has an innate organization. Consequently, the passage connects the concept of human nature to the idea of an inherent structure within the human mind. (Number I) Paragraph 3 discusses human nature in relation to "variance of traits by population" and "the average traits of a group." Therefore, the passage refers to characteristics that are more prevalent in some groups than others as an aspect of human nature. (Number II) Paragraph 4 mentions "putative differences between the sexes" and states that "the assumption that men and women cannot be equal unless they are the same ought to strike us as deeply troubling." Accordingly, the passage implies that tendencies toward sex-differentiated social traits (ie, tendencies for men and women to differ socially) are a component of human nature. (Number III)

Question 4

Passage
Christ Church, a colonial-era Anglican church near Weems, Virginia, is far from a typical house of worship.  Completed in 1735, the building has been conjectured by some to be based on a prototype by the renowned English architect Christopher Wren-indeed, it bears a more than canny resemblance to Farley Church in Wiltshire, England, which Wren designed back in the 1660s.  Christ Church was originally an unassuming wooden construct commissioned in 1665 by John Carter, a wealthy Virginia tobacco planter who sailed from his native England to American shores in 1635.  In 1730, his son Robert-who had by then become one of the wealthiest and most influential figures in the region-was determined to replace the wooden structure with a brick one.  He died in 1732, leaving three male offspring to oversee the completion of what experts would later hail as "the most finely crafted Anglican parish church in all of colonial Virginia."  Historical websites laud the church as "an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows."  Notably, it also contains a triple-decker pulpit-a rare but distinctive feature of its era.  In recent decades, however, Christ Church has become an object of interest more for what it conceals than for what it reveals.The remarkable intricacies of this church's architecture point to its dual nature as not just a religious sanctuary, but as a veritable temple to the Enlightenment, a kind of shrine to rationality.  Beneath its surface, Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws.  In fact, horologist H. Stephen Stewart has characterized it as "a building of numbers"-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers.  As Stewart explains, two weeks after the vernal equinox, on the mean date for Easter, a sunbeam shines through the oval window above the main entrance that faces due west and rests upon the altar; this phenomenon repeats itself two weeks prior to the autumnal equinox.  Additionally, a shadow cast from a cornice of the church tracks the progression from spring to fall as it moves vertically along the church's outer west wall at the pace of a single row of bricks per day.  Moreover, for eight hours each day, the building serves as a sundial, casting its shadow on its north lawn.  This seemingly multifunctional edifice has been aptly pronounced "a time machine" by Stewart.The church's locale and physical orientation are critical; not just any site could have offered the perfect astronomical alignment.  Yet, as journalist Joy Aschenbach describes, "The Church's location was a rather lonely one, with woods all around, few or no houses near, and no good roads."  Its geographical remoteness and splendid isolation are reminiscent of another unusual sanctuary, the fifth-century BCE Temple to Apollo, the god of the sun and rationality, at Bassae in Greece.  As with the church, the temple's structure has been attributed to a famous architect, Iktynos, designer of the Athenian Parthenon.  Thrust deep into the countryside, it sits atop Kotylion Mountain, holding dominion over a desolate landscape through which, until the last century, no truly passable road led.  Thus, virtually inaccessible, the imposing sanctuary stood long forgotten.  In contemporary times it has been under restoration and studied for how, positioned north to south rather than east to west, it tracks the annual phases of the sun.  Likewise, Christ Church has resurged from encroaching dilapidation to bask in "lonely majesty" even as scientists figure the calculus of its blueprint.Clearly neither of these structures acquired its characteristics through happenstance.  The spaces created are at once pragmatic and sacred, their purposes overtly divine even while their designs honor nature and extol reason.
-Given the information in the passage, Putnam most likely set the first formulation of the Twin Earth thought experiment "centuries in the past" in order to:

Accepted Answer

According to Paragraph 1, "Hilary Putnam's 'Twin Earth' thought experiment…[argues] that two speakers could use a term in the same way yet refer to different entities." Putnam describes a scenario in which "'water' on Twin Earth is indistinguishable from Earth water" but is nevertheless "a different chemical compound that Putnam calls 'XYZ.'" Paragraph 2 conveys that "[p]eople on both worlds would possess the same concept of that term [water] and embody the same mental states while using it." Nevertheless, the term 'water' would actually refer to different substances on each world, "because it would apply to H₂O on Earth but XYZ on Twin Earth." Therefore, the point of the scenario is to describe a situation in which two people had identical concepts of what a word means, yet the word did not refer to the same entity in both cases. However, if people in the scenario knew the chemical composition of water or twin water, respectively, then they would have different conceptions of what the term 'water' means, undermining the point of the thought experiment. Consequently, the thought experiment was most likely set centuries in the past to situate it prior to knowledge of chemistry, removing that complication. By contrast, Putnam did not most likely set the first formulation of the Twin Earth thought experiment "centuries in the past" in order to: reflect the longevity of the standard linguistic position (Choice B). Paragraph 1 states that Putnam's thought experiment challenges "[a] long-standing position in linguistics." However, the passage never suggests that Putnam's thought experiment needed to reflect the longevity of that position. make it easier for deficiencies in his argument to be overlooked (Choice C). Paragraph 3 describes a flaw in Putnam's original thought experiment, but notes that "most scholars have been oddly willing to overlook this deficiency." However, the passage never suggests that Putnam was aware of the deficiency in advance yet simply hoped for it to be overlooked instead of correcting it. allow the second version to be comparatively stronger (Choice D). Paragraph 5 states that the second version of the thought experiment "avoids the problems inherent to 'twin water,'" implying that the second formulation is stronger than the first in this respect. However, the author never suggests that Putnam intentionally chose the setting of the first formulation to make the second version stronger by comparison.

Question 5

Passage
Christ Church, a colonial-era Anglican church near Weems, Virginia, is far from a typical house of worship.  Completed in 1735, the building has been conjectured by some to be based on a prototype by the renowned English architect Christopher Wren-indeed, it bears a more than canny resemblance to Farley Church in Wiltshire, England, which Wren designed back in the 1660s.  Christ Church was originally an unassuming wooden construct commissioned in 1665 by John Carter, a wealthy Virginia tobacco planter who sailed from his native England to American shores in 1635.  In 1730, his son Robert-who had by then become one of the wealthiest and most influential figures in the region-was determined to replace the wooden structure with a brick one.  He died in 1732, leaving three male offspring to oversee the completion of what experts would later hail as "the most finely crafted Anglican parish church in all of colonial Virginia."  Historical websites laud the church as "an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows."  Notably, it also contains a triple-decker pulpit-a rare but distinctive feature of its era.  In recent decades, however, Christ Church has become an object of interest more for what it conceals than for what it reveals.The remarkable intricacies of this church's architecture point to its dual nature as not just a religious sanctuary, but as a veritable temple to the Enlightenment, a kind of shrine to rationality.  Beneath its surface, Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws.  In fact, horologist H. Stephen Stewart has characterized it as "a building of numbers"-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers.  As Stewart explains, two weeks after the vernal equinox, on the mean date for Easter, a sunbeam shines through the oval window above the main entrance that faces due west and rests upon the altar; this phenomenon repeats itself two weeks prior to the autumnal equinox.  Additionally, a shadow cast from a cornice of the church tracks the progression from spring to fall as it moves vertically along the church's outer west wall at the pace of a single row of bricks per day.  Moreover, for eight hours each day, the building serves as a sundial, casting its shadow on its north lawn.  This seemingly multifunctional edifice has been aptly pronounced "a time machine" by Stewart.The church's locale and physical orientation are critical; not just any site could have offered the perfect astronomical alignment.  Yet, as journalist Joy Aschenbach describes, "The Church's location was a rather lonely one, with woods all around, few or no houses near, and no good roads."  Its geographical remoteness and splendid isolation are reminiscent of another unusual sanctuary, the fifth-century BCE Temple to Apollo, the god of the sun and rationality, at Bassae in Greece.  As with the church, the temple's structure has been attributed to a famous architect, Iktynos, designer of the Athenian Parthenon.  Thrust deep into the countryside, it sits atop Kotylion Mountain, holding dominion over a desolate landscape through which, until the last century, no truly passable road led.  Thus, virtually inaccessible, the imposing sanctuary stood long forgotten.  In contemporary times it has been under restoration and studied for how, positioned north to south rather than east to west, it tracks the annual phases of the sun.  Likewise, Christ Church has resurged from encroaching dilapidation to bask in "lonely majesty" even as scientists figure the calculus of its blueprint.Clearly neither of these structures acquired its characteristics through happenstance.  The spaces created are at once pragmatic and sacred, their purposes overtly divine even while their designs honor nature and extol reason.
-The passage author probably compares Christ Church with an ancient temple of Apollo primarily to establish:

Accepted Answer

According to Paragraph 2, "Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws" and is a building of "'calendric, solar, and lunar numbers'…. [T]wo weeks after the vernal equinox…a sunbeam…rests upon the altar; this phenomenon repeats itself two weeks prior to the autumnal equinox. Additionally, a shadow cast from a cornice…tracks the progression from spring to fall" and "for eight hours each day, the building serves as a sundial." Paragraph 3 says that "[t]he church's locale and physical orientation are critical" in affording "the perfect astronomical alignment" and that its consequent "geographical remoteness" is "reminiscent of…the fifth-century BCE Temple to Apollo…at Bassae." Paragraph 3 then conveys that this temple "has been…studied for how…it tracks the annual phases of the sun" and "[l]ikewise…scientists figure the calculus of [Christ Church's] blueprint." Accordingly, the passage author probably compares Christ Church with an ancient temple of Apollo primarily to establish that each structure incorporated architectural calibrations based on solar movements. (Choice A) As Paragraph 3 states, Christ Church's location "'was a rather lonely one, with woods all around, few or no houses near, and no good roads." Likewise, the Temple of Apollo was "[t]hrust deep into the countryside, … atop Kotylion Mountain…over a desolate landscape" where "no truly passable road led. Thus each structure was geographically isolated. However, Paragraph 3 also underscores that for each "locale and physical orientation [were] critical" because "not just any site could have offered the perfect astronomical alignment." Therefore, each structure was designed with the intent of astronomical alignment rather than geographical isolation. (Choice C) Paragraph 2 conveys that "Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws," and explains how the church tracks the sun's yearly and daily cycles. Similarly, Paragraph 3 states that the ancient Temple of Apollo is "positioned north to south rather than east to west" and so "tracks the annual phases of the sun." However, the passage never describes the temple as more attuned to celestial phenomena than the church. (Choice D) According to Paragraph 1, Christ Church is "'an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows'" along with "a triple-decker pulpit, a rare but "distinctive feature of its era." By contrast, Paragraph 3 describes the Temple of Apollo as unusual among ancient Greek temples in being "positioned north to south rather than east to west." Accordingly, these descriptions highlight a difference between the two structures rather than establishing a primary similarity.

Question 6

Passage
Christ Church, a colonial-era Anglican church near Weems, Virginia, is far from a typical house of worship.  Completed in 1735, the building has been conjectured by some to be based on a prototype by the renowned English architect Christopher Wren-indeed, it bears a more than canny resemblance to Farley Church in Wiltshire, England, which Wren designed back in the 1660s.  Christ Church was originally an unassuming wooden construct commissioned in 1665 by John Carter, a wealthy Virginia tobacco planter who sailed from his native England to American shores in 1635.  In 1730, his son Robert-who had by then become one of the wealthiest and most influential figures in the region-was determined to replace the wooden structure with a brick one.  He died in 1732, leaving three male offspring to oversee the completion of what experts would later hail as "the most finely crafted Anglican parish church in all of colonial Virginia."  Historical websites laud the church as "an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows."  Notably, it also contains a triple-decker pulpit-a rare but distinctive feature of its era.  In recent decades, however, Christ Church has become an object of interest more for what it conceals than for what it reveals.The remarkable intricacies of this church's architecture point to its dual nature as not just a religious sanctuary, but as a veritable temple to the Enlightenment, a kind of shrine to rationality.  Beneath its surface, Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws.  In fact, horologist H. Stephen Stewart has characterized it as "a building of numbers"-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers.  As Stewart explains, two weeks after the vernal equinox, on the mean date for Easter, a sunbeam shines through the oval window above the main entrance that faces due west and rests upon the altar; this phenomenon repeats itself two weeks prior to the autumnal equinox.  Additionally, a shadow cast from a cornice of the church tracks the progression from spring to fall as it moves vertically along the church's outer west wall at the pace of a single row of bricks per day.  Moreover, for eight hours each day, the building serves as a sundial, casting its shadow on its north lawn.  This seemingly multifunctional edifice has been aptly pronounced "a time machine" by Stewart.The church's locale and physical orientation are critical; not just any site could have offered the perfect astronomical alignment.  Yet, as journalist Joy Aschenbach describes, "The Church's location was a rather lonely one, with woods all around, few or no houses near, and no good roads."  Its geographical remoteness and splendid isolation are reminiscent of another unusual sanctuary, the fifth-century BCE Temple to Apollo, the god of the sun and rationality, at Bassae in Greece.  As with the church, the temple's structure has been attributed to a famous architect, Iktynos, designer of the Athenian Parthenon.  Thrust deep into the countryside, it sits atop Kotylion Mountain, holding dominion over a desolate landscape through which, until the last century, no truly passable road led.  Thus, virtually inaccessible, the imposing sanctuary stood long forgotten.  In contemporary times it has been under restoration and studied for how, positioned north to south rather than east to west, it tracks the annual phases of the sun.  Likewise, Christ Church has resurged from encroaching dilapidation to bask in "lonely majesty" even as scientists figure the calculus of its blueprint.Clearly neither of these structures acquired its characteristics through happenstance.  The spaces created are at once pragmatic and sacred, their purposes overtly divine even while their designs honor nature and extol reason.
-Based on the information in the passage, the timekeeping functions of the church's architecture suggest:

Accepted Answer

According to Paragraph 2, "Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws." Paragraph 2 also conveys that "horologist (specialist in time measurement) H. Stephen Stewart has characterized it as 'a building of numbers'-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers." In referring to Christ Church and the Temple of Apollo at Bassae, Paragraph 4 states that "[t]he spaces created are at once pragmatic and sacred, their purposes overtly divine even while their designs honor nature and extol (praise) reason." Accordingly, the architects deliberately incorporated rationality in the form of mathematical calculations and the laws of nature in constructing Christ Church while also embracing the sacred and divine. Therefore, the timekeeping functions of the church's architecture suggest an attempt to harmonize supernatural beliefs with the principles of reasoning. (Choices A and B) Paragraph 2 describes Christ Church as "'a building of numbers'-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers." Paragraph 3 states that the Temple of Apollo is "studied for how, positioned north to south rather than east to west, it tracks the annual phases of the sun." Accordingly, the passage offers the church and the temple as examples of architectural designs correlating with the phases of the solar cycle. However, these examples are presented by the passage author as exceptional. They are not portrayed as indicative of any widespread correlation of architectural designs with the phases of the solar cycle nor of a fundamental need for religious sites to align with astronomical coordinates. (Choice C) Paragraph 2 states that "Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws." Paragraph 4 conveys that the church's space was created to be "at once pragmatic and sacred" and its purpose "overtly divine" while its design "honor[s] nature and extol[s] reason." However, the passage never indicates that this harmonizing between nature and the sacred or divine was a reaction to an acknowledged disconnection between nature and religion in modern times.

Question 7

Passage
Christ Church, a colonial-era Anglican church near Weems, Virginia, is far from a typical house of worship.  Completed in 1735, the building has been conjectured by some to be based on a prototype by the renowned English architect Christopher Wren-indeed, it bears a more than canny resemblance to Farley Church in Wiltshire, England, which Wren designed back in the 1660s.  Christ Church was originally an unassuming wooden construct commissioned in 1665 by John Carter, a wealthy Virginia tobacco planter who sailed from his native England to American shores in 1635.  In 1730, his son Robert-who had by then become one of the wealthiest and most influential figures in the region-was determined to replace the wooden structure with a brick one.  He died in 1732, leaving three male offspring to oversee the completion of what experts would later hail as "the most finely crafted Anglican parish church in all of colonial Virginia."  Historical websites laud the church as "an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows."  Notably, it also contains a triple-decker pulpit-a rare but distinctive feature of its era.  In recent decades, however, Christ Church has become an object of interest more for what it conceals than for what it reveals.The remarkable intricacies of this church's architecture point to its dual nature as not just a religious sanctuary, but as a veritable temple to the Enlightenment, a kind of shrine to rationality.  Beneath its surface, Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws.  In fact, horologist H. Stephen Stewart has characterized it as "a building of numbers"-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers.  As Stewart explains, two weeks after the vernal equinox, on the mean date for Easter, a sunbeam shines through the oval window above the main entrance that faces due west and rests upon the altar; this phenomenon repeats itself two weeks prior to the autumnal equinox.  Additionally, a shadow cast from a cornice of the church tracks the progression from spring to fall as it moves vertically along the church's outer west wall at the pace of a single row of bricks per day.  Moreover, for eight hours each day, the building serves as a sundial, casting its shadow on its north lawn.  This seemingly multifunctional edifice has been aptly pronounced "a time machine" by Stewart.The church's locale and physical orientation are critical; not just any site could have offered the perfect astronomical alignment.  Yet, as journalist Joy Aschenbach describes, "The Church's location was a rather lonely one, with woods all around, few or no houses near, and no good roads."  Its geographical remoteness and splendid isolation are reminiscent of another unusual sanctuary, the fifth-century BCE Temple to Apollo, the god of the sun and rationality, at Bassae in Greece.  As with the church, the temple's structure has been attributed to a famous architect, Iktynos, designer of the Athenian Parthenon.  Thrust deep into the countryside, it sits atop Kotylion Mountain, holding dominion over a desolate landscape through which, until the last century, no truly passable road led.  Thus, virtually inaccessible, the imposing sanctuary stood long forgotten.  In contemporary times it has been under restoration and studied for how, positioned north to south rather than east to west, it tracks the annual phases of the sun.  Likewise, Christ Church has resurged from encroaching dilapidation to bask in "lonely majesty" even as scientists figure the calculus of its blueprint.Clearly neither of these structures acquired its characteristics through happenstance.  The spaces created are at once pragmatic and sacred, their purposes overtly divine even while their designs honor nature and extol reason.
-Based on Paragraph 1, which of the following statements can most reasonably be inferred?

Accepted Answer

Paragraph 1 describes Christ Church as "'an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows." Furthermore, Paragraph 1 relates that "notably, [the church] also contains a triple-decker pulpit, a rare but distinctive feature of its era." Accordingly, Paragraph 1 provides a list of several features typical of colonial era (eighteenth-century) church architecture. Therefore, based on Paragraph 1, the statement that during the colonial era, church architecture was characterized by several distinctive features can most reasonably be inferred. By contrast, none of the following statements can reasonably be inferred from Paragraph 1: The most finely crafted Anglican churches of the eighteenth century were in Virginia (Choice A). Paragraph 1 refers to Christ Church as "'the most finely crafted Anglican parish church in all of colonial Virginia.'" However, no information is provided about other eighteenth-century Anglican churches in Virginia or their status among all Anglican churches of the eighteenth century, including those outside Virginia. English architect Christopher Wren designed many eighteenth-century buildings in colonial America (Choice C). Paragraph 1 states that the Christ Church building "has been conjectured by some to be based on a prototype by renowned English architect Christopher Wren" and "bears a more than canny resemblance to Farley Church in Wiltshire, England, which Wren designed." However, the passage never suggests that Wren might have designed other eighteenth-century buildings in colonial America. The Carters were the richest and most lavish patrons of American colonial architecture (Choice D). Paragraph 1 states that "Christ Church was originally an unassuming wooden construct commissioned in 1665 by John Carter, a wealthy Virginia tobacco planter…. In 1730, his son Robert…one of the wealthiest and most influential figures in the region-was determined to replace the wooden structure with a brick one." Robert's sons later oversaw "the completion of…'the most finely crafted Anglican parish church in all of colonial Virginia.'" This information suggests that the Carters had been among the richest and most lavish patrons of colonial church architecture in Virginia. However, the passage never suggests that the Carters extended their patronage to American colonial architecture as a whole or outside Virginia.

Question 8

Passage
Christ Church, a colonial-era Anglican church near Weems, Virginia, is far from a typical house of worship.  Completed in 1735, the building has been conjectured by some to be based on a prototype by the renowned English architect Christopher Wren-indeed, it bears a more than canny resemblance to Farley Church in Wiltshire, England, which Wren designed back in the 1660s.  Christ Church was originally an unassuming wooden construct commissioned in 1665 by John Carter, a wealthy Virginia tobacco planter who sailed from his native England to American shores in 1635.  In 1730, his son Robert-who had by then become one of the wealthiest and most influential figures in the region-was determined to replace the wooden structure with a brick one.  He died in 1732, leaving three male offspring to oversee the completion of what experts would later hail as "the most finely crafted Anglican parish church in all of colonial Virginia."  Historical websites laud the church as "an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows."  Notably, it also contains a triple-decker pulpit-a rare but distinctive feature of its era.  In recent decades, however, Christ Church has become an object of interest more for what it conceals than for what it reveals.The remarkable intricacies of this church's architecture point to its dual nature as not just a religious sanctuary, but as a veritable temple to the Enlightenment, a kind of shrine to rationality.  Beneath its surface, Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws.  In fact, horologist H. Stephen Stewart has characterized it as "a building of numbers"-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers.  As Stewart explains, two weeks after the vernal equinox, on the mean date for Easter, a sunbeam shines through the oval window above the main entrance that faces due west and rests upon the altar; this phenomenon repeats itself two weeks prior to the autumnal equinox.  Additionally, a shadow cast from a cornice of the church tracks the progression from spring to fall as it moves vertically along the church's outer west wall at the pace of a single row of bricks per day.  Moreover, for eight hours each day, the building serves as a sundial, casting its shadow on its north lawn.  This seemingly multifunctional edifice has been aptly pronounced "a time machine" by Stewart.The church's locale and physical orientation are critical; not just any site could have offered the perfect astronomical alignment.  Yet, as journalist Joy Aschenbach describes, "The Church's location was a rather lonely one, with woods all around, few or no houses near, and no good roads."  Its geographical remoteness and splendid isolation are reminiscent of another unusual sanctuary, the fifth-century BCE Temple to Apollo, the god of the sun and rationality, at Bassae in Greece.  As with the church, the temple's structure has been attributed to a famous architect, Iktynos, designer of the Athenian Parthenon.  Thrust deep into the countryside, it sits atop Kotylion Mountain, holding dominion over a desolate landscape through which, until the last century, no truly passable road led.  Thus, virtually inaccessible, the imposing sanctuary stood long forgotten.  In contemporary times it has been under restoration and studied for how, positioned north to south rather than east to west, it tracks the annual phases of the sun.  Likewise, Christ Church has resurged from encroaching dilapidation to bask in "lonely majesty" even as scientists figure the calculus of its blueprint.Clearly neither of these structures acquired its characteristics through happenstance.  The spaces created are at once pragmatic and sacred, their purposes overtly divine even while their designs honor nature and extol reason.
-The description of Putnam's thought experiments would suggest which of the following about Twin Earth?

Accepted Answer

According to Paragraph 1, the Twin Earth thought experiment "asks the reader to imagine Earth…along with a nearly identical Twin Earth." In one version of that thought experiment, Twin Earth differs from Earth because "the metal molybdenum is used instead of aluminum for pots and pans, and ordinary people cannot tell the difference between them" (Paragraph 4). Accordingly, all the pots and pans that would be made of aluminum on Earth are made of molybdenum on Twin Earth. Consequently, the description of Putnam's thought experiments would suggest that on Twin Earth, molybdenum would be as common as aluminum is on Earth. (Choice A) Paragraph 2 states that "the intension of the term 'water' would be the same on Earth and Twin Earth. People on both worlds would possess the same concept of that term and embody the same mental states while using it." Therefore, lakes and oceans would be conceived of in the same way on both Earth and Twin Earth, even though 'water' would refer to H₂O in one case and XYZ in the other. (Choice C) According to Paragraph 4, Putnam specifies that "'the words 'aluminum' and 'molybdenum' are switched on Twin Earth: 'aluminum' is the name of molybdenum, and 'molybdenum' is the name of aluminum.'" However, the fact that the names are "switched" in relation to Earth does not mean that people on Twin Earth would be mistaken about the names that they use. Rather, on Twin Earth, a speaker would correctly use the name 'aluminum' to refer to the metal that on Earth would be known as 'molybdenum.' (Choice D) According to Paragraph 2, "the extension of 'water' on each world would actually be different, because it would apply to H₂O on Earth but to XYZ on Twin Earth. Therefore, Putnam argues that a term's meaning is constituted partially by the features of a speaker's world." Consequently, the Twin Earth thought experiments compare speakers on Earth with those on Twin Earth, such as "an Earthling Oscar₁ and his Twin Earth counterpart Oscar₂" (Paragraph 5). However, such counterparts are not like biological twins, who typically share one and the same world. Therefore, the passage gives no reason to think that biological twins would complicate the thought experiment.

Question 9

Passage
A crucial part of Pinker's argument against the theory of the blank slate is to address people's motivations for wanting that theory to be true.  As he sees it: "To acknowledge human nature, many think, is to endorse racism, sexism, war, greed….  Any claim that the mind has an innate organization strikes people not as a hypothesis that might be incorrect but as a thought that it is immoral to think."  People thus want to believe there is no such thing as human nature, in order to avoid the negative consequences they think would follow from its existence.  Pinker argues that this position not only must ignore the compelling scientific evidence that the mind does have an innate organization, but also depends upon a fundamental mistake about the implications of that idea.For example, suppose that the relative incidence of some desirable trait was higher in certain populations than in others.  If genetics plays no part in this phenomenon, then such a difference can be attributed solely to social conditions.  Not only would that analysis uphold our commitment to the fundamental equality of persons, but it would also mean that the difference is correctable-we have only to organize society in the proper way, and the disparities between groups would disappear.  On the other hand, if any part of the difference is attributed to genetics, then it would seem to open the door to stereotyping, mistreatment of individuals based on ethnicity, and other ills.  Thus the impulse to reject the prospect of a genetic component is strong, even if the evidence were to suggest such a correlation.However, this worry is based on two misconceptions.  Pinker notes that variance of traits by population would not justify treating members of some populations differently, because it is still wrong-logically as well as morally-to judge a particular person based on the average traits of a group.  Aside from recognizing that people should be evaluated as individuals, it is simply a fact that members of a group will display a variety of characteristics that may be closer to or farther away from a statistical average.  I would add that a supposed justification of differential treatment based on inborn traits does not reflect our normal moral intuitions.  For instance, if Person A is brighter than Person B, we do not therefore conclude that Person B deserves fewer rights or less human dignity.  In the same way, differences between groups also would not justify such a view.Similarly, Pinker argues that putative differences between the sexes are dismissed out of fear that such differences would promote an evaluative hierarchy between men and women.  However, the assumption that men and women cannot be equal unless they are the same ought to strike us as deeply troubling.  That claim would seem to imply that any difference must entail a difference of value, a position which is neither plausible nor morally legitimate…Such considerations also relate to the concerns about human perfectibility alluded to earlier.  Improving people through social institutions does not require that humans be blank slates; in fact, the opposite may be true.  If we ignore the realities of human nature, then the best-intentioned social programs may be ineffective or even harmful.  Moreover, the idea that human beings are completely malleable and can be "molded" as desired ought arguably to inspire more horror than optimism….  On the other hand, acknowledging the existence of human nature enables us to organize society in ways that work with humans as they really are.  Human traits and tendencies are not the straitjackets some imagine, and recognizing their influence allows nurture to work with nature instead of against it.
-Pinker's position, as it is described in Paragraph 1, includes the assumption that:

Accepted Answer

Paragraph 1 discusses "Pinker's argument against the theory of the blank slate." According to Pinker, those who "believe there is no such thing as human nature…must ignore the compelling scientific evidence that the mind does have an innate organization." No such evidence is described, but Pinker clearly assumes it exists given his statement that people ignore it. Consequently, Pinker's position includes the assumption that scientific evidence strongly suggests that there is an innate organization to the mind. (Choices A and B) According to Pinker, "'To acknowledge human nature, many think, is to endorse racism, sexism, war, greed.'" In his view, people "want to believe there is no such thing as human nature, in order to avoid the negative consequences they think would follow from its existence" (Paragraph 1). Therefore, Pinker portrays other people as believing that negative consequences like racism and sexism would follow from acknowledging human nature. However, "Pinker argues that this position…depends upon a fundamental mistake" (Paragraph 1). Accordingly, Pinker himself does not assume that accepting the existence of human nature would result in those consequences. (Choice C) Paragraph 1 describes "Pinker's argument against the theory of the blank slate," part of which "[addresses] people's motivations for wanting that theory to be true." Specifically, he believes that people "want to believe there is no such thing as human nature, in order to avoid the negative consequences they think would follow from its existence." Therefore, Pinker sees those who believe in the blank slate as explicitly motivated by a desire to avoid negative consequences; he does not assume that such people are unaware of the true motivations behind that belief.

Question 10

Passage
Christ Church, a colonial-era Anglican church near Weems, Virginia, is far from a typical house of worship.  Completed in 1735, the building has been conjectured by some to be based on a prototype by the renowned English architect Christopher Wren-indeed, it bears a more than canny resemblance to Farley Church in Wiltshire, England, which Wren designed back in the 1660s.  Christ Church was originally an unassuming wooden construct commissioned in 1665 by John Carter, a wealthy Virginia tobacco planter who sailed from his native England to American shores in 1635.  In 1730, his son Robert-who had by then become one of the wealthiest and most influential figures in the region-was determined to replace the wooden structure with a brick one.  He died in 1732, leaving three male offspring to oversee the completion of what experts would later hail as "the most finely crafted Anglican parish church in all of colonial Virginia."  Historical websites laud the church as "an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows."  Notably, it also contains a triple-decker pulpit-a rare but distinctive feature of its era.  In recent decades, however, Christ Church has become an object of interest more for what it conceals than for what it reveals.The remarkable intricacies of this church's architecture point to its dual nature as not just a religious sanctuary, but as a veritable temple to the Enlightenment, a kind of shrine to rationality.  Beneath its surface, Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws.  In fact, horologist H. Stephen Stewart has characterized it as "a building of numbers"-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers.  As Stewart explains, two weeks after the vernal equinox, on the mean date for Easter, a sunbeam shines through the oval window above the main entrance that faces due west and rests upon the altar; this phenomenon repeats itself two weeks prior to the autumnal equinox.  Additionally, a shadow cast from a cornice of the church tracks the progression from spring to fall as it moves vertically along the church's outer west wall at the pace of a single row of bricks per day.  Moreover, for eight hours each day, the building serves as a sundial, casting its shadow on its north lawn.  This seemingly multifunctional edifice has been aptly pronounced "a time machine" by Stewart.The church's locale and physical orientation are critical; not just any site could have offered the perfect astronomical alignment.  Yet, as journalist Joy Aschenbach describes, "The Church's location was a rather lonely one, with woods all around, few or no houses near, and no good roads."  Its geographical remoteness and splendid isolation are reminiscent of another unusual sanctuary, the fifth-century BCE Temple to Apollo, the god of the sun and rationality, at Bassae in Greece.  As with the church, the temple's structure has been attributed to a famous architect, Iktynos, designer of the Athenian Parthenon.  Thrust deep into the countryside, it sits atop Kotylion Mountain, holding dominion over a desolate landscape through which, until the last century, no truly passable road led.  Thus, virtually inaccessible, the imposing sanctuary stood long forgotten.  In contemporary times it has been under restoration and studied for how, positioned north to south rather than east to west, it tracks the annual phases of the sun.  Likewise, Christ Church has resurged from encroaching dilapidation to bask in "lonely majesty" even as scientists figure the calculus of its blueprint.Clearly neither of these structures acquired its characteristics through happenstance.  The spaces created are at once pragmatic and sacred, their purposes overtly divine even while their designs honor nature and extol reason.
-The author describes Putnam's original formulation of the Twin Earth scenario as "incoherent" because:fictional scenarios do not tell us anything about the actual world.people on Earth could not be physically identical to those on Twin Earth.Putnam underestimates the role of internal mental states in linguistic reference.

Accepted Answer

Paragraph 1 conveys that in the original Twin Earth scenario "Putnam asks the reader to imagine Earth…along with a nearly identical Twin Earth. However, while the substance called 'water' on Twin Earth is indistinguishable from Earth water…it is not H₂O but a different chemical compound that Putnam calls 'XYZ.'" According to Paragraph 3, "The most immediate objection to Putnam's argument is that the situation described is incoherent, as the human body is largely composed of water." The author notes that "this fact means that Putnam's description of Twin Earth is literally impossible." Paragraph 5 specifies that the thought experiment's second formulation "avoids the problems inherent to 'twin water,' as switching molybdenum and aluminum would not entail an essential physical difference between people on Earth and Twin Earth." In other words, people on Earth and Twin Earth could not really be identical in the first formulation, because the bodies of the former would be composed of H₂O, while the bodies of the latter would be composed of XYZ. Consequently, the author describes Putnam's original formulation of the Twin Earth scenario as incoherent because it entails that people on Earth could not be physically identical to those on Twin Earth. (Number II) (Number I) The author argues that in Putnam's first formulation "the situation described is incoherent," viewing that fact as problematic even though "most scholars have been oddly willing to overlook this deficiency" (Paragraph 3). Accordingly, the author believes there are flaws in Putnam's thought experiment. However, he or she never objects to the fact that it involves fictional scenarios, nor argues that fictional scenarios cannot tell us about the actual world. (Number III) The thought experiment includes the idea that "[p]eople on both worlds would possess the same concept of that term [water] and embody the same mental states while using it (Paragraph 2). Hence, the passage conveys that Putnam takes account of the role of internal mental states in linguistic reference; the author never suggests that Putnam has underestimated that role. Moreover, the author argues that "the situation described is incoherent, as the human body is largely composed of water" (Paragraph 3). Therefore, the author's objection concerns facts about the physical composition of the human body, not about internal mental states.

Question 11

Passage
A crucial part of Pinker's argument against the theory of the blank slate is to address people's motivations for wanting that theory to be true.  As he sees it: "To acknowledge human nature, many think, is to endorse racism, sexism, war, greed….  Any claim that the mind has an innate organization strikes people not as a hypothesis that might be incorrect but as a thought that it is immoral to think."  People thus want to believe there is no such thing as human nature, in order to avoid the negative consequences they think would follow from its existence.  Pinker argues that this position not only must ignore the compelling scientific evidence that the mind does have an innate organization, but also depends upon a fundamental mistake about the implications of that idea.For example, suppose that the relative incidence of some desirable trait was higher in certain populations than in others.  If genetics plays no part in this phenomenon, then such a difference can be attributed solely to social conditions.  Not only would that analysis uphold our commitment to the fundamental equality of persons, but it would also mean that the difference is correctable-we have only to organize society in the proper way, and the disparities between groups would disappear.  On the other hand, if any part of the difference is attributed to genetics, then it would seem to open the door to stereotyping, mistreatment of individuals based on ethnicity, and other ills.  Thus the impulse to reject the prospect of a genetic component is strong, even if the evidence were to suggest such a correlation.However, this worry is based on two misconceptions.  Pinker notes that variance of traits by population would not justify treating members of some populations differently, because it is still wrong-logically as well as morally-to judge a particular person based on the average traits of a group.  Aside from recognizing that people should be evaluated as individuals, it is simply a fact that members of a group will display a variety of characteristics that may be closer to or farther away from a statistical average.  I would add that a supposed justification of differential treatment based on inborn traits does not reflect our normal moral intuitions.  For instance, if Person A is brighter than Person B, we do not therefore conclude that Person B deserves fewer rights or less human dignity.  In the same way, differences between groups also would not justify such a view.Similarly, Pinker argues that putative differences between the sexes are dismissed out of fear that such differences would promote an evaluative hierarchy between men and women.  However, the assumption that men and women cannot be equal unless they are the same ought to strike us as deeply troubling.  That claim would seem to imply that any difference must entail a difference of value, a position which is neither plausible nor morally legitimate…Such considerations also relate to the concerns about human perfectibility alluded to earlier.  Improving people through social institutions does not require that humans be blank slates; in fact, the opposite may be true.  If we ignore the realities of human nature, then the best-intentioned social programs may be ineffective or even harmful.  Moreover, the idea that human beings are completely malleable and can be "molded" as desired ought arguably to inspire more horror than optimism….  On the other hand, acknowledging the existence of human nature enables us to organize society in ways that work with humans as they really are.  Human traits and tendencies are not the straitjackets some imagine, and recognizing their influence allows nurture to work with nature instead of against it.
-Pinker argues that those who deny the existence of human nature are motivated partly by faulty reasoning.  However, it could be true that the mind is a blank slate even if people held that view for mistaken reasons.  Does this observation undermine Pinker's position on human nature?

Accepted Answer

Pinker believes that those who deny the existence of human nature "must ignore the compelling scientific evidence that the mind does have an innate organization" (Paragraph 1). Accordingly, Pinker believes there is strong evidence in support of his position on human nature, regardless of whether people "want to believe there is no such thing as human nature" (Paragraph 1). Consequently, Pinker's position would not be undermined by the observation that a view could be true despite people believing it for mistaken reasons, because his view is not based solely on the idea that the opposite stance is mistaken. Rather, he believes there are independent reasons to accept the existence of human nature. (Choice A) In Pinker's view, there is "compelling scientific evidence that the mind does have an innate organization" (Paragraph 1). Accordingly, his position on human nature is not based merely on identifying flaws in the deniers' position. Rather, he seems to imply that once the deniers realize the "fundamental mistake" they are making, they too will accept the existence of human nature on the basis of the evidence. (Choices B and C) Pinker argues that those who deny human nature make "a fundamental mistake about the implications of that idea" (Paragraph 1). However, although Pinker finds fault with the deniers' reasoning, he shares their moral and social concerns. For example, he argues that regardless of whether a genetic component exists, "it is still wrong-logically as well as morally-to judge a particular person based on the average traits of a group" (Paragraph 3). Accordingly, while Pinker does believe that pure reasoning justifies his position, he is also concerned with morality and social justice.

Question 12

Passage
Christ Church, a colonial-era Anglican church near Weems, Virginia, is far from a typical house of worship.  Completed in 1735, the building has been conjectured by some to be based on a prototype by the renowned English architect Christopher Wren-indeed, it bears a more than canny resemblance to Farley Church in Wiltshire, England, which Wren designed back in the 1660s.  Christ Church was originally an unassuming wooden construct commissioned in 1665 by John Carter, a wealthy Virginia tobacco planter who sailed from his native England to American shores in 1635.  In 1730, his son Robert-who had by then become one of the wealthiest and most influential figures in the region-was determined to replace the wooden structure with a brick one.  He died in 1732, leaving three male offspring to oversee the completion of what experts would later hail as "the most finely crafted Anglican parish church in all of colonial Virginia."  Historical websites laud the church as "an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows."  Notably, it also contains a triple-decker pulpit-a rare but distinctive feature of its era.  In recent decades, however, Christ Church has become an object of interest more for what it conceals than for what it reveals.The remarkable intricacies of this church's architecture point to its dual nature as not just a religious sanctuary, but as a veritable temple to the Enlightenment, a kind of shrine to rationality.  Beneath its surface, Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws.  In fact, horologist H. Stephen Stewart has characterized it as "a building of numbers"-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers.  As Stewart explains, two weeks after the vernal equinox, on the mean date for Easter, a sunbeam shines through the oval window above the main entrance that faces due west and rests upon the altar; this phenomenon repeats itself two weeks prior to the autumnal equinox.  Additionally, a shadow cast from a cornice of the church tracks the progression from spring to fall as it moves vertically along the church's outer west wall at the pace of a single row of bricks per day.  Moreover, for eight hours each day, the building serves as a sundial, casting its shadow on its north lawn.  This seemingly multifunctional edifice has been aptly pronounced "a time machine" by Stewart.The church's locale and physical orientation are critical; not just any site could have offered the perfect astronomical alignment.  Yet, as journalist Joy Aschenbach describes, "The Church's location was a rather lonely one, with woods all around, few or no houses near, and no good roads."  Its geographical remoteness and splendid isolation are reminiscent of another unusual sanctuary, the fifth-century BCE Temple to Apollo, the god of the sun and rationality, at Bassae in Greece.  As with the church, the temple's structure has been attributed to a famous architect, Iktynos, designer of the Athenian Parthenon.  Thrust deep into the countryside, it sits atop Kotylion Mountain, holding dominion over a desolate landscape through which, until the last century, no truly passable road led.  Thus, virtually inaccessible, the imposing sanctuary stood long forgotten.  In contemporary times it has been under restoration and studied for how, positioned north to south rather than east to west, it tracks the annual phases of the sun.  Likewise, Christ Church has resurged from encroaching dilapidation to bask in "lonely majesty" even as scientists figure the calculus of its blueprint.Clearly neither of these structures acquired its characteristics through happenstance.  The spaces created are at once pragmatic and sacred, their purposes overtly divine even while their designs honor nature and extol reason.
-Passage information would most support which of the following claims about the presence of a triple-decker pulpit in an eighteenth-century church?

Accepted Answer

According to Paragraph 1, Christ Church is "an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture" that "notably…contains a triple-decker pulpit, a rare but distinctive feature of its era." By describing this type of pulpit as both noteworthy and rare, the passage suggests that it would have been an intriguing feature of the church. Therefore, the passage supports the claim that the presence of a triple-decker pulpit in an eighteenth-century church may have been an object of curiosity even in its time. (Choice A) Paragraph 1 states that a triple-decker pulpit was "a rare but distinctive feature of its era" (ie, the eighteenth century). However, the passage does not indicate that the pulpit's rarity was due to its being impractical, nor does it otherwise discuss the practicality of such a pulpit. (Choice B) Paragraph 1 conveys that "Christ Church was originally an unassuming wooden construct commissioned in 1665 by John Carter." However, the passage provides no information about the pulpit in this earlier structure, nor does it offer examples of pulpits from any other older churches. Accordingly, the passage does not support the claim that earlier churches (ie, prior to the eighteenth century) would have had more than one pulpit. (Choice C) Paragraph 1 states that Christ Church "notably…contains a triple-decker pulpit, a rare but distinctive feature of its era." Accordingly, even in the eighteenth century the existence of a triple-decker pulpit would have been notable or remarkable. Consequently, the passage does not support the claim that such a pulpit's presence in an eighteenth-century church would have seemed unremarkable.

Question 13

Passage
Christ Church, a colonial-era Anglican church near Weems, Virginia, is far from a typical house of worship.  Completed in 1735, the building has been conjectured by some to be based on a prototype by the renowned English architect Christopher Wren-indeed, it bears a more than canny resemblance to Farley Church in Wiltshire, England, which Wren designed back in the 1660s.  Christ Church was originally an unassuming wooden construct commissioned in 1665 by John Carter, a wealthy Virginia tobacco planter who sailed from his native England to American shores in 1635.  In 1730, his son Robert-who had by then become one of the wealthiest and most influential figures in the region-was determined to replace the wooden structure with a brick one.  He died in 1732, leaving three male offspring to oversee the completion of what experts would later hail as "the most finely crafted Anglican parish church in all of colonial Virginia."  Historical websites laud the church as "an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows."  Notably, it also contains a triple-decker pulpit-a rare but distinctive feature of its era.  In recent decades, however, Christ Church has become an object of interest more for what it conceals than for what it reveals.The remarkable intricacies of this church's architecture point to its dual nature as not just a religious sanctuary, but as a veritable temple to the Enlightenment, a kind of shrine to rationality.  Beneath its surface, Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws.  In fact, horologist H. Stephen Stewart has characterized it as "a building of numbers"-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers.  As Stewart explains, two weeks after the vernal equinox, on the mean date for Easter, a sunbeam shines through the oval window above the main entrance that faces due west and rests upon the altar; this phenomenon repeats itself two weeks prior to the autumnal equinox.  Additionally, a shadow cast from a cornice of the church tracks the progression from spring to fall as it moves vertically along the church's outer west wall at the pace of a single row of bricks per day.  Moreover, for eight hours each day, the building serves as a sundial, casting its shadow on its north lawn.  This seemingly multifunctional edifice has been aptly pronounced "a time machine" by Stewart.The church's locale and physical orientation are critical; not just any site could have offered the perfect astronomical alignment.  Yet, as journalist Joy Aschenbach describes, "The Church's location was a rather lonely one, with woods all around, few or no houses near, and no good roads."  Its geographical remoteness and splendid isolation are reminiscent of another unusual sanctuary, the fifth-century BCE Temple to Apollo, the god of the sun and rationality, at Bassae in Greece.  As with the church, the temple's structure has been attributed to a famous architect, Iktynos, designer of the Athenian Parthenon.  Thrust deep into the countryside, it sits atop Kotylion Mountain, holding dominion over a desolate landscape through which, until the last century, no truly passable road led.  Thus, virtually inaccessible, the imposing sanctuary stood long forgotten.  In contemporary times it has been under restoration and studied for how, positioned north to south rather than east to west, it tracks the annual phases of the sun.  Likewise, Christ Church has resurged from encroaching dilapidation to bask in "lonely majesty" even as scientists figure the calculus of its blueprint.Clearly neither of these structures acquired its characteristics through happenstance.  The spaces created are at once pragmatic and sacred, their purposes overtly divine even while their designs honor nature and extol reason.
-By referring to Christ Church as "a time machine" in Paragraph 2, Stewart seems to imply that the church has the capacity to:

Accepted Answer

According to Paragraph 2, "horologist (specialist in time measurement) H. Stephen Stewart has characterized [Christ Church] as 'a building of numbers'-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers. As Stewart explains, two weeks after the vernal (spring) equinox…a sunbeam…rests upon the altar" and again two weeks before the fall equinox. Paragraph 2 also states that "a shadow cast from a cornice…tracks the progression from spring to fall" and that "for eight hours each day, the building serves as a sundial." Paragraph 2 concludes that "[t]his seemingly multifunctional edifice (building) has been aptly pronounced 'a time machine' by Stewart." Accordingly, by referring to Christ Church as "a time machine" in Paragraph 2, Stewart seems to imply that it has the capacity to measure the elapse between key celestial phenomena (ie, solar cycles). By contrast, Stewart's reference to the church as "a time machine" in Paragraph 2 would not seem to imply that it has the capacity to: elevate the temporal aspects of phenomena over the divine (Choice A). According to Paragraph 2, "[t]he remarkable intricacies of this church's architecture point to its dual nature as not just a religious sanctuary, but as…a kind of shrine to rationality." Paragraph 4 describes its space as "at once pragmatic and sacred" and its purpose as "overtly divine" with a design that "honor[s] nature and extol[s] (praises) reason." Therefore, the church's architecture has enabled a combination of the temporal and the divine aspects rather than the elevation of one aspect over the other. partially replace worshippers' reliance on the clock and the calendar (Choice B). Paragraph 2 describes Christ Church as "'a building of numbers'-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers"-that tracks the progression of the year and serves as a sundial. However, the passage never indicates that worshippers have been aware of the building's temporal functions or that these functions are accessible enough to partially replace standard timekeeping tools. make churchgoers feel as though they are in the eighteenth century (Choice D). According to Paragraph 1, Christ Church is "'an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows,' along with "a triple-decker pulpit, a rare but distinctive feature of its era." However, the passage never indicates that these features might make contemporary churchgoers feel as though they were back in the eighteenth century nor does the term "time machine" here suggest the concept of time travel.

Question 14

Passage
Because frequent consumption of unhealthy foods is strongly linked with cardiometabolic diseases, one way for governments to combat those afflictions may be to modify the eating habits of the general public.  Applying economic incentives or disincentives to various types of foods could potentially alter people's diets, leading to more positive health outcomes.Utilizing national data from 2012 regarding food consumption, health, and economic status, Peñalvo et al. concluded that such price adjustments would help to prevent deaths related to cardiometabolic diseases.  According to their analysis, increasing the prices of unhealthy foods such as processed meats and sugary sodas by 10%, while reducing the prices of healthy foods such as fruit and vegetables by 10%, would prevent an estimated 3.4% of yearly deaths in the U.S.  Changing prices by 30% would have an even stronger effect, preventing an estimated 9.2% of yearly deaths.  This data comports with that found in other countries: "These results are in line with previous modeling studies in South Africa and India, where a 20% SSB [sugar-sweetened beverage] tax was estimated to reduce diabetes prevalence by 4% over 20 years."  The effects of price adjustments would be most pronounced on persons of lower socioeconomic status, as the researchers "found an overall 18.2% higher price-responsiveness for low versus high SES groups."This differential effect based on socioeconomic status contributes to concerns about such interventions, however.  In Harvard Public Health Review, Kates and Hayward ask: "Well-intentioned though they may be, at what point do these taxes overstep government influence on an individual's right to autonomy in decision-making?  On whom does the increased financial burden of this taxation fall?"  They note that taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages, for instance, "are likely to have a greater impact on low-income individuals…because individuals in those settings are more likely to be beholden to cost when making decisions about food."However, "well-intentioned though they may be," the worries that Kates and Hayward express are to some extent misguided.  In particular, the idea that taxing unhealthy foods would burden those least able to afford it misses the point.  Although the increased taxes would affect anyone who continued to purchase the items despite the higher prices, the goal of raising prices on unhealthy foods is precisely to dissuade people from buying them.  As Kates and Hayward themselves remark, "those in low-income environments may also be the largest consumers of obesogenic foods and therefore most likely to benefit from such a lifestyle change indirectly posed by SSB taxes."  As the goal of the taxes is to promote those lifestyle changes, the financial burden objection is a non-starter.Given this recognition, the question regarding autonomy constitutes a more substantial issue.  Nevertheless, that concern also rests on a dubious assumption, as people's autonomy is not necessarily respected in the current situation either.  The fact that those of lower socioeconomic status are more likely to have poorer diets suggests that such persons' food choices are the result of financial constraint, not fully autonomous, rational deliberation.  Hence, by making healthy foods more affordable relative to unhealthy ones, government intervention might actually facilitate autonomous choices rather than hindering them.On the other hand, suppose that the disproportionate consumption of unhealthy foods-and associated higher incidence of disease-among certain groups is not the result of financial hardship but rather the result of those persons' perceived self-interest.  If so, that would suggest that members of these groups are being encouraged to persist in harmful dietary habits for the sake of corporate profits.  In that case, violating autonomy for the sake of health may be permissible anyway, as that practice would be morally preferable to the present system of corporate exploitation.
-Which of the following statements, if true, would most support the author's argument for price adjustments?

Accepted Answer

Paragraph 2 cites data from Peñalvo et al. suggesting that "price adjustments would help to prevent deaths related to cardiometabolic diseases" in the United States. The author asserts that "[t]his data comports with that found in other countries." He or she further conveys that "[t]he effects of price adjustments would be most pronounced on persons of lower socioeconomic status, as the researchers 'found an overall 18.2% higher price-responsiveness for low versus high SES groups.'" If a study conducted in Mexico reported 65.4% price responsiveness among low-income groups, this would further support the claim that Peñalvo et al.'s data comports with data from other countries. It would also support the claims that groups of lower socioeconomic status are more responsive to price changes, and therefore that "'those in low-income environments may also be the…most likely to benefit from such a lifestyle change indirectly posed by SSB taxes'" (Paragraph 4). Accordingly, this statement about a study conducted in Mexico would most support the author's argument for price adjustments. By contrast, none of the following statements would most support the author's argument for price adjustments: Many corporations are willing to decrease prices to avoid losing customers (Choice B). If corporations are willing to decrease prices to avoid losing customers, then a tax on unhealthy foods would not necessarily lead to increased prices for consumers. In that case, "the goal of raising prices on unhealthy foods…to dissuade people from buying them" would be undermined (Paragraph 4). Kates and Hayward are funded by a sugar-sweetened beverage corporation (Choice C). The author describes Kates and Hayward's concerns as "'well-intentioned,'" implying that the issues they raise are worth considering on the issues' own merits. Accordingly, it would be important for the author's argument to address those concerns even if Kates and Hayward's motivations were called into question due to their source of funding. Peñalvo et al. inferred people's socioeconomic status from their educational attainment (Choice D). If Peñalvo et al. inferred socioeconomic status in their study instead of measuring it directly, their conclusions related to lower-income persons could potentially be called into question. Since the author's claims about the price responsiveness of lower-income persons are based in part on Peñalvo et al.'s data, the author's argument could be weakened in this scenario.

Question 15

Passage
Because frequent consumption of unhealthy foods is strongly linked with cardiometabolic diseases, one way for governments to combat those afflictions may be to modify the eating habits of the general public.  Applying economic incentives or disincentives to various types of foods could potentially alter people's diets, leading to more positive health outcomes.Utilizing national data from 2012 regarding food consumption, health, and economic status, Peñalvo et al. concluded that such price adjustments would help to prevent deaths related to cardiometabolic diseases.  According to their analysis, increasing the prices of unhealthy foods such as processed meats and sugary sodas by 10%, while reducing the prices of healthy foods such as fruit and vegetables by 10%, would prevent an estimated 3.4% of yearly deaths in the U.S.  Changing prices by 30% would have an even stronger effect, preventing an estimated 9.2% of yearly deaths.  This data comports with that found in other countries: "These results are in line with previous modeling studies in South Africa and India, where a 20% SSB [sugar-sweetened beverage] tax was estimated to reduce diabetes prevalence by 4% over 20 years."  The effects of price adjustments would be most pronounced on persons of lower socioeconomic status, as the researchers "found an overall 18.2% higher price-responsiveness for low versus high SES groups."This differential effect based on socioeconomic status contributes to concerns about such interventions, however.  In Harvard Public Health Review, Kates and Hayward ask: "Well-intentioned though they may be, at what point do these taxes overstep government influence on an individual's right to autonomy in decision-making?  On whom does the increased financial burden of this taxation fall?"  They note that taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages, for instance, "are likely to have a greater impact on low-income individuals…because individuals in those settings are more likely to be beholden to cost when making decisions about food."However, "well-intentioned though they may be," the worries that Kates and Hayward express are to some extent misguided.  In particular, the idea that taxing unhealthy foods would burden those least able to afford it misses the point.  Although the increased taxes would affect anyone who continued to purchase the items despite the higher prices, the goal of raising prices on unhealthy foods is precisely to dissuade people from buying them.  As Kates and Hayward themselves remark, "those in low-income environments may also be the largest consumers of obesogenic foods and therefore most likely to benefit from such a lifestyle change indirectly posed by SSB taxes."  As the goal of the taxes is to promote those lifestyle changes, the financial burden objection is a non-starter.Given this recognition, the question regarding autonomy constitutes a more substantial issue.  Nevertheless, that concern also rests on a dubious assumption, as people's autonomy is not necessarily respected in the current situation either.  The fact that those of lower socioeconomic status are more likely to have poorer diets suggests that such persons' food choices are the result of financial constraint, not fully autonomous, rational deliberation.  Hence, by making healthy foods more affordable relative to unhealthy ones, government intervention might actually facilitate autonomous choices rather than hindering them.On the other hand, suppose that the disproportionate consumption of unhealthy foods-and associated higher incidence of disease-among certain groups is not the result of financial hardship but rather the result of those persons' perceived self-interest.  If so, that would suggest that members of these groups are being encouraged to persist in harmful dietary habits for the sake of corporate profits.  In that case, violating autonomy for the sake of health may be permissible anyway, as that practice would be morally preferable to the present system of corporate exploitation.
-According to the passage author, concern about the financial burden of taxes on unhealthy foods is misguided because:

Accepted Answer

Paragraph 3 relates Kates and Hayward's question: "'On whom does the increased financial burden of this taxation fall?'" They note that persons of lower income "'are more likely to be beholden to cost when making decisions about food,'" suggesting that taxing unhealthy foods may disproportionately impact people who already experience significant financial constraint. However, the author calls this worry "to some extent misguided. In particular, the idea that taxing unhealthy foods would burden those least able to afford it misses the point," because "the goal of raising prices on unhealthy foods is precisely to dissuade people from buying them" (Paragraph 4). Hence, the author argues that the taxes would not cause people to pay more for the same (unhealthy) foods, but rather that it would cause them to buy cheaper, healthier, foods instead. Therefore, although lower-income persons would be most affected by the increased prices, that is not a drawback because the purpose of the price increase is to reduce consumption of unhealthy foods. Consequently, the author argues that concern about the financial burden of taxes on unhealthy foods is misguided because the increased cost of those foods is designed to prevent people from buying them. (Choice A) Paragraph 4 states that "the financial burden objection is a non-starter," and Paragraph 5 continues: "Given this recognition, the question regarding autonomy constitutes a more substantial issue." Consequently, the author concludes that autonomy is a more substantial issue because concern about the financial burden is misguided; it is not the reason why that concern is misguided. (Choice B) Paragraph 2 states that "[t]he effects of price adjustments would be most pronounced on persons of lower socioeconomic status." Likewise, Paragraph 3 cites Kates and Hayward's remark that "taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages, for instance, 'are likely to have a greater impact on low-income individuals.'" Accordingly, the passage does not suggest that the people most affected by price increases would also be most able to afford them. (Choice D) According to Paragraph 1, "[a]pplying economic incentives or disincentives to various types of foods could potentially alter people's diets." Similarly, Paragraph 4 relates that "the goal of raising prices on unhealthy foods is precisely to dissuade people from buying them." Therefore, the goal of the price adjustments is to inhibit the purchase of unhealthy foods, not to offset the expense of their continued purchase.

Question 16

Passage
A crucial part of Pinker's argument against the theory of the blank slate is to address people's motivations for wanting that theory to be true.  As he sees it: "To acknowledge human nature, many think, is to endorse racism, sexism, war, greed….  Any claim that the mind has an innate organization strikes people not as a hypothesis that might be incorrect but as a thought that it is immoral to think."  People thus want to believe there is no such thing as human nature, in order to avoid the negative consequences they think would follow from its existence.  Pinker argues that this position not only must ignore the compelling scientific evidence that the mind does have an innate organization, but also depends upon a fundamental mistake about the implications of that idea.For example, suppose that the relative incidence of some desirable trait was higher in certain populations than in others.  If genetics plays no part in this phenomenon, then such a difference can be attributed solely to social conditions.  Not only would that analysis uphold our commitment to the fundamental equality of persons, but it would also mean that the difference is correctable-we have only to organize society in the proper way, and the disparities between groups would disappear.  On the other hand, if any part of the difference is attributed to genetics, then it would seem to open the door to stereotyping, mistreatment of individuals based on ethnicity, and other ills.  Thus the impulse to reject the prospect of a genetic component is strong, even if the evidence were to suggest such a correlation.However, this worry is based on two misconceptions.  Pinker notes that variance of traits by population would not justify treating members of some populations differently, because it is still wrong-logically as well as morally-to judge a particular person based on the average traits of a group.  Aside from recognizing that people should be evaluated as individuals, it is simply a fact that members of a group will display a variety of characteristics that may be closer to or farther away from a statistical average.  I would add that a supposed justification of differential treatment based on inborn traits does not reflect our normal moral intuitions.  For instance, if Person A is brighter than Person B, we do not therefore conclude that Person B deserves fewer rights or less human dignity.  In the same way, differences between groups also would not justify such a view.Similarly, Pinker argues that putative differences between the sexes are dismissed out of fear that such differences would promote an evaluative hierarchy between men and women.  However, the assumption that men and women cannot be equal unless they are the same ought to strike us as deeply troubling.  That claim would seem to imply that any difference must entail a difference of value, a position which is neither plausible nor morally legitimate…Such considerations also relate to the concerns about human perfectibility alluded to earlier.  Improving people through social institutions does not require that humans be blank slates; in fact, the opposite may be true.  If we ignore the realities of human nature, then the best-intentioned social programs may be ineffective or even harmful.  Moreover, the idea that human beings are completely malleable and can be "molded" as desired ought arguably to inspire more horror than optimism….  On the other hand, acknowledging the existence of human nature enables us to organize society in ways that work with humans as they really are.  Human traits and tendencies are not the straitjackets some imagine, and recognizing their influence allows nurture to work with nature instead of against it.
-Which of the following conclusions is most supported by the passage argument?

Accepted Answer

Paragraph 1 states that people "want to believe there is no such thing as human nature, in order to avoid the negative consequences they think would follow from its existence." However, the author cites Pinker's view that "this position…depends upon a fundamental mistake." The passage further elaborates on the motivation to believe in the blank slate, connecting it to "our commitment to the fundamental equality of persons" (Paragraph 2). Those who believe in the blank slate worry that accepting human nature would lead to "stereotyping, mistreatment of individuals based on ethnicity, and other ills" (Paragraph 2). However, the author asserts that "this worry is based on two misconceptions" (Paragraph 3), arguing that belief in human nature would not really result in those destructive social consequences. Therefore, although the passage argues against the theory of the blank slate, it portrays those who believe in it as possessing noble motivations. Accordingly, the passage argument supports the conclusion that belief in the blank slate is an admirably intentioned but flawed point of view. (Choice A) The theory of the blank slate is intended to "uphold our commitment to the fundamental equality of persons," and implies that disparities between groups are "correctable" (Paragraph 2). However, the author states that "[i]mproving people through social institutions does not require that humans be blank slates; in fact, the opposite may be true" (Paragraph 5). Therefore, the author views belief in the blank slate as unnecessary (and possibly counterproductive) for preserving social equality. (Choice B) In Paragraph 2 the author writes, "[S]uppose that the relative incidence of some desirable trait was higher in certain populations than in others." However, this supposition is a hypothetical consideration; the passage does not state that such a correlation actually exists. (Choice D) According to Paragraph 1, many people fear that "[t]o acknowledge human nature…is to endorse "racism, sexism, war, [and] greed." However, the author argues that acknowledging human nature does not lead to those detrimental effects. For example, even if there are genetic differences between certain groups, "it is still wrong-logically as well as morally-to judge a particular person based on the average traits of a group" (Paragraph 3). Similarly, the view that "men and women cannot be equal unless they are the same" is "neither plausible nor morally legitimate" (Paragraph 4). Therefore, the passage argument does not support the conclusion that belief in the blank slate is warranted.

Question 17

Passage
Christ Church, a colonial-era Anglican church near Weems, Virginia, is far from a typical house of worship.  Completed in 1735, the building has been conjectured by some to be based on a prototype by the renowned English architect Christopher Wren-indeed, it bears a more than canny resemblance to Farley Church in Wiltshire, England, which Wren designed back in the 1660s.  Christ Church was originally an unassuming wooden construct commissioned in 1665 by John Carter, a wealthy Virginia tobacco planter who sailed from his native England to American shores in 1635.  In 1730, his son Robert-who had by then become one of the wealthiest and most influential figures in the region-was determined to replace the wooden structure with a brick one.  He died in 1732, leaving three male offspring to oversee the completion of what experts would later hail as "the most finely crafted Anglican parish church in all of colonial Virginia."  Historical websites laud the church as "an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows."  Notably, it also contains a triple-decker pulpit-a rare but distinctive feature of its era.  In recent decades, however, Christ Church has become an object of interest more for what it conceals than for what it reveals.The remarkable intricacies of this church's architecture point to its dual nature as not just a religious sanctuary, but as a veritable temple to the Enlightenment, a kind of shrine to rationality.  Beneath its surface, Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws.  In fact, horologist H. Stephen Stewart has characterized it as "a building of numbers"-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers.  As Stewart explains, two weeks after the vernal equinox, on the mean date for Easter, a sunbeam shines through the oval window above the main entrance that faces due west and rests upon the altar; this phenomenon repeats itself two weeks prior to the autumnal equinox.  Additionally, a shadow cast from a cornice of the church tracks the progression from spring to fall as it moves vertically along the church's outer west wall at the pace of a single row of bricks per day.  Moreover, for eight hours each day, the building serves as a sundial, casting its shadow on its north lawn.  This seemingly multifunctional edifice has been aptly pronounced "a time machine" by Stewart.The church's locale and physical orientation are critical; not just any site could have offered the perfect astronomical alignment.  Yet, as journalist Joy Aschenbach describes, "The Church's location was a rather lonely one, with woods all around, few or no houses near, and no good roads."  Its geographical remoteness and splendid isolation are reminiscent of another unusual sanctuary, the fifth-century BCE Temple to Apollo, the god of the sun and rationality, at Bassae in Greece.  As with the church, the temple's structure has been attributed to a famous architect, Iktynos, designer of the Athenian Parthenon.  Thrust deep into the countryside, it sits atop Kotylion Mountain, holding dominion over a desolate landscape through which, until the last century, no truly passable road led.  Thus, virtually inaccessible, the imposing sanctuary stood long forgotten.  In contemporary times it has been under restoration and studied for how, positioned north to south rather than east to west, it tracks the annual phases of the sun.  Likewise, Christ Church has resurged from encroaching dilapidation to bask in "lonely majesty" even as scientists figure the calculus of its blueprint.Clearly neither of these structures acquired its characteristics through happenstance.  The spaces created are at once pragmatic and sacred, their purposes overtly divine even while their designs honor nature and extol reason.
-The author views the willingness of scholars to overlook the "deficiency" in Putnam's argument as:

Accepted Answer

The author emphasizes that "Putnam's description of Twin Earth is literally impossible," but states that despite this fact "most scholars have been oddly willing to overlook this deficiency" (Paragraph 3). Accordingly, the author suggests that the scholars' position is unexpected. The author later continues: "If for whatever reason we ignore that objection…" suggesting puzzlement over the position taken by those scholars. Therefore, the author views the willingness of scholars to overlook the "deficiency" in Putnam's argument as a surprising state of affairs. (Choices A and D) The author states that "most scholars have been oddly willing to overlook this deficiency" (Paragraph 3), implicitly questioning those scholars' position. The author also remarks: "If for whatever reason we ignore that objection, we may at least attend to a different example" (Paragraph 4), further implying that he or she may disagree with the scholars' reasoning. Consequently, the author is not convinced that overlooking the deficiency in Putnam's argument is a justified decision or a matter of practicality. (Choice C) The author objects to the fact that "most scholars have been oddly willing to overlook this deficiency." However, he or she never suggests that those scholars have failed to comprehend the deficiency. Rather, they are presented as simply viewing it as unimportant: "For instance, Dennett deems it irrelevant, while Ebbs opines that 'the difficulties it raises need not affect the point of the thought experiment'" (Paragraph 3).

Question 18

Passage
Christ Church, a colonial-era Anglican church near Weems, Virginia, is far from a typical house of worship.  Completed in 1735, the building has been conjectured by some to be based on a prototype by the renowned English architect Christopher Wren-indeed, it bears a more than canny resemblance to Farley Church in Wiltshire, England, which Wren designed back in the 1660s.  Christ Church was originally an unassuming wooden construct commissioned in 1665 by John Carter, a wealthy Virginia tobacco planter who sailed from his native England to American shores in 1635.  In 1730, his son Robert-who had by then become one of the wealthiest and most influential figures in the region-was determined to replace the wooden structure with a brick one.  He died in 1732, leaving three male offspring to oversee the completion of what experts would later hail as "the most finely crafted Anglican parish church in all of colonial Virginia."  Historical websites laud the church as "an extraordinary example of eighteenth-century architecture, featuring meticulous brickwork, vaulted ceilings, and gorgeous compass-headed windows."  Notably, it also contains a triple-decker pulpit-a rare but distinctive feature of its era.  In recent decades, however, Christ Church has become an object of interest more for what it conceals than for what it reveals.The remarkable intricacies of this church's architecture point to its dual nature as not just a religious sanctuary, but as a veritable temple to the Enlightenment, a kind of shrine to rationality.  Beneath its surface, Christ Church represents an architectural feat of mathematical precision in harmony with nature's laws.  In fact, horologist H. Stephen Stewart has characterized it as "a building of numbers"-specifically, calendric, solar, and lunar numbers.  As Stewart explains, two weeks after the vernal equinox, on the mean date for Easter, a sunbeam shines through the oval window above the main entrance that faces due west and rests upon the altar; this phenomenon repeats itself two weeks prior to the autumnal equinox.  Additionally, a shadow cast from a cornice of the church tracks the progression from spring to fall as it moves vertically along the church's outer west wall at the pace of a single row of bricks per day.  Moreover, for eight hours each day, the building serves as a sundial, casting its shadow on its north lawn.  This seemingly multifunctional edifice has been aptly pronounced "a time machine" by Stewart.The church's locale and physical orientation are critical; not just any site could have offered the perfect astronomical alignment.  Yet, as journalist Joy Aschenbach describes, "The Church's location was a rather lonely one, with woods all around, few or no houses near, and no good roads."  Its geographical remoteness and splendid isolation are reminiscent of another unusual sanctuary, the fifth-century BCE Temple to Apollo, the god of the sun and rationality, at Bassae in Greece.  As with the church, the temple's structure has been attributed to a famous architect, Iktynos, designer of the Athenian Parthenon.  Thrust deep into the countryside, it sits atop Kotylion Mountain, holding dominion over a desolate landscape through which, until the last century, no truly passable road led.  Thus, virtually inaccessible, the imposing sanctuary stood long forgotten.  In contemporary times it has been under restoration and studied for how, positioned north to south rather than east to west, it tracks the annual phases of the sun.  Likewise, Christ Church has resurged from encroaching dilapidation to bask in "lonely majesty" even as scientists figure the calculus of its blueprint.Clearly neither of these structures acquired its characteristics through happenstance.  The spaces created are at once pragmatic and sacred, their purposes overtly divine even while their designs honor nature and extol reason.
-The passage author implies that the second version of the Twin Earth thought experiment:

Accepted Answer

The second version of the thought experiment "avoids the problems inherent to" the original formulation; thus the author states that "this example might seem to justify Putnam's position on linguistic reference" (Paragraph 5). However, the author also notes that "some linguists, such as Crane, have posed an intriguing question in response to this claim." If that response is plausible, it would result in "dissolving Putnam's argument" (Paragraph 6). Paragraph 7 suggests one way in which "Putnam might object" to Crane's response. However, the author asserts that "Crane's response to the Twin Earth scenario cannot be dismissed so easily." Accordingly, the author indicates that this response still needs to be addressed, implying that the second version of the Twin Earth thought experiment would require further argument to successfully justify Putnam's position. By contrast, the author does not imply that the second version of the Twin Earth thought experiment: suffers from the same problems as the original formulation of the scenario (Choice A). In Paragraph 5, the author writes: "This [second] formulation avoids the problems inherent to 'twin water'" (ie, the first formulation of the scenario). is decisively refuted by the response of Crane and other linguists (Choice B). The author argues that "Crane's response to the Twin Earth scenario cannot be dismissed so easily" (Paragraph 7). However, that assertion does not in itself mean that there is no other way to potentially defend Putnam's position. Hence, to say that the Twin Earth thought experiment "is decisively refuted" by Crane's response would overstate the author's claim in the passage. fails because people on Earth and Twin Earth would be psychologically dissimilar (Choice D). Putnam argues that a man on Earth and a man on Twin Earth may have "no difference at all in their psychological states when they use the word 'aluminum'" (Paragraph 5). However, the passage suggests that other linguists agree with this claim. For instance, Crane accepts the idea that "[i]f either man somehow encountered a pan from the other Earth, he would call its metal 'aluminum'" (Paragraph 6), indicating that the two men's mental states would be similar in this regard.

Question 19

Passage
A crucial part of Pinker's argument against the theory of the blank slate is to address people's motivations for wanting that theory to be true.  As he sees it: "To acknowledge human nature, many think, is to endorse racism, sexism, war, greed….  Any claim that the mind has an innate organization strikes people not as a hypothesis that might be incorrect but as a thought that it is immoral to think."  People thus want to believe there is no such thing as human nature, in order to avoid the negative consequences they think would follow from its existence.  Pinker argues that this position not only must ignore the compelling scientific evidence that the mind does have an innate organization, but also depends upon a fundamental mistake about the implications of that idea.For example, suppose that the relative incidence of some desirable trait was higher in certain populations than in others.  If genetics plays no part in this phenomenon, then such a difference can be attributed solely to social conditions.  Not only would that analysis uphold our commitment to the fundamental equality of persons, but it would also mean that the difference is correctable-we have only to organize society in the proper way, and the disparities between groups would disappear.  On the other hand, if any part of the difference is attributed to genetics, then it would seem to open the door to stereotyping, mistreatment of individuals based on ethnicity, and other ills.  Thus the impulse to reject the prospect of a genetic component is strong, even if the evidence were to suggest such a correlation.However, this worry is based on two misconceptions.  Pinker notes that variance of traits by population would not justify treating members of some populations differently, because it is still wrong-logically as well as morally-to judge a particular person based on the average traits of a group.  Aside from recognizing that people should be evaluated as individuals, it is simply a fact that members of a group will display a variety of characteristics that may be closer to or farther away from a statistical average.  I would add that a supposed justification of differential treatment based on inborn traits does not reflect our normal moral intuitions.  For instance, if Person A is brighter than Person B, we do not therefore conclude that Person B deserves fewer rights or less human dignity.  In the same way, differences between groups also would not justify such a view.Similarly, Pinker argues that putative differences between the sexes are dismissed out of fear that such differences would promote an evaluative hierarchy between men and women.  However, the assumption that men and women cannot be equal unless they are the same ought to strike us as deeply troubling.  That claim would seem to imply that any difference must entail a difference of value, a position which is neither plausible nor morally legitimate…Such considerations also relate to the concerns about human perfectibility alluded to earlier.  Improving people through social institutions does not require that humans be blank slates; in fact, the opposite may be true.  If we ignore the realities of human nature, then the best-intentioned social programs may be ineffective or even harmful.  Moreover, the idea that human beings are completely malleable and can be "molded" as desired ought arguably to inspire more horror than optimism….  On the other hand, acknowledging the existence of human nature enables us to organize society in ways that work with humans as they really are.  Human traits and tendencies are not the straitjackets some imagine, and recognizing their influence allows nurture to work with nature instead of against it.
-In the past it has been asserted that women should be excluded from politics because they are too "pure" to participate in that "dirty business."  This claim most exemplifies which of the following ideas discussed in the passage?

Accepted Answer

Paragraph 1 describes Pinker's claim that "'[t]o acknowledge human nature, many think, is to endorse racism, sexism, war, greed…. People thus want to believe there is no such thing as human nature, in order to avoid the negative consequences they think would follow from its existence." Paragraph 4 discusses sexism more specifically, citing Pinker's view that "putative differences between the sexes are dismissed out of fear that such differences would promote an evaluative hierarchy between men and women." The past assertion that women should be excluded from politics because it would pollute their inherent "purity" would unjustly deny political power to women on the basis of their supposed inborn characteristics. Therefore, that assertion most exemplifies the idea that belief in human nature might be used to motivate injustice toward certain people. By contrast, the assertion from the past about women's "purity" does not most exemplify any of the following ideas: Belief that the mind is a blank slate runs counter to scientific evidence (Choice A). The past assertion that women should be excluded from politics is based on "putative differences between the sexes" (Paragraph 4). However, it does not suggest anything about scientific evidence or its relation to the theory of the blank slate. The prospect of individuals being highly malleable may be a cause for horror rather than hopefulness (Choice C). Excluding women from politics because of their natural "purity" implies that women share an innate characteristic; it does not suggest that "human beings are completely malleable and can be 'molded' as desired" (Paragraph 5). Individuals often diverge from the average characteristics of a group (Choice D). The assertion from the past posits a similarity among all women as essentially "pure"; it does not reflect the idea that "members of a group will display a variety of characteristics that may be closer to or farther away from a statistical average" (Paragraph 3).

Question 20

Passage
A crucial part of Pinker's argument against the theory of the blank slate is to address people's motivations for wanting that theory to be true.  As he sees it: "To acknowledge human nature, many think, is to endorse racism, sexism, war, greed….  Any claim that the mind has an innate organization strikes people not as a hypothesis that might be incorrect but as a thought that it is immoral to think."  People thus want to believe there is no such thing as human nature, in order to avoid the negative consequences they think would follow from its existence.  Pinker argues that this position not only must ignore the compelling scientific evidence that the mind does have an innate organization, but also depends upon a fundamental mistake about the implications of that idea.For example, suppose that the relative incidence of some desirable trait was higher in certain populations than in others.  If genetics plays no part in this phenomenon, then such a difference can be attributed solely to social conditions.  Not only would that analysis uphold our commitment to the fundamental equality of persons, but it would also mean that the difference is correctable-we have only to organize society in the proper way, and the disparities between groups would disappear.  On the other hand, if any part of the difference is attributed to genetics, then it would seem to open the door to stereotyping, mistreatment of individuals based on ethnicity, and other ills.  Thus the impulse to reject the prospect of a genetic component is strong, even if the evidence were to suggest such a correlation.However, this worry is based on two misconceptions.  Pinker notes that variance of traits by population would not justify treating members of some populations differently, because it is still wrong-logically as well as morally-to judge a particular person based on the average traits of a group.  Aside from recognizing that people should be evaluated as individuals, it is simply a fact that members of a group will display a variety of characteristics that may be closer to or farther away from a statistical average.  I would add that a supposed justification of differential treatment based on inborn traits does not reflect our normal moral intuitions.  For instance, if Person A is brighter than Person B, we do not therefore conclude that Person B deserves fewer rights or less human dignity.  In the same way, differences between groups also would not justify such a view.Similarly, Pinker argues that putative differences between the sexes are dismissed out of fear that such differences would promote an evaluative hierarchy between men and women.  However, the assumption that men and women cannot be equal unless they are the same ought to strike us as deeply troubling.  That claim would seem to imply that any difference must entail a difference of value, a position which is neither plausible nor morally legitimate…Such considerations also relate to the concerns about human perfectibility alluded to earlier.  Improving people through social institutions does not require that humans be blank slates; in fact, the opposite may be true.  If we ignore the realities of human nature, then the best-intentioned social programs may be ineffective or even harmful.  Moreover, the idea that human beings are completely malleable and can be "molded" as desired ought arguably to inspire more horror than optimism….  On the other hand, acknowledging the existence of human nature enables us to organize society in ways that work with humans as they really are.  Human traits and tendencies are not the straitjackets some imagine, and recognizing their influence allows nurture to work with nature instead of against it.
-The author's assertion that the prospect of completely malleable human beings "ought arguably to inspire more horror than optimism" (Paragraph 5) is most likely meant to indicate that:

Accepted Answer

Paragraph 5 mentions "concerns about human perfectibility" and the potential of "[i]mproving people through social institutions." The author asserts that improving people through such means "does not require that humans be blank slates; in fact, the opposite may be true. If we ignore the realities of human nature, then the best-intentioned social programs may be ineffective or even harmful." It is within this context that the author adds: "Moreover, the idea that human beings are completely malleable and can be 'molded' as desired ought arguably to inspire more horror than optimism." Accordingly, the author suggests that society could be organized in ways that make human beings better people. However, he or she also warns that such social programs could be harmful instead, specifically suggesting it could be horrifying if people were blank slates that "can be 'molded' as desired." In other words, if people can be improved through social programs, then they can also be made worse, and if they are "completely malleable," then the effects of this shaping process would be all the more pronounced. Consequently, the author's assertion that the prospect of completely malleable human beings "ought arguably to inspire more horror than optimism" is most likely meant to indicate that the ability to easily shape human minds could enable their manipulation toward destructive ends. (Choices A and C) Paragraph 5 states: "If we ignore the realities of human nature, then the best-intentioned social programs may be ineffective or even harmful." The author then adds: "On the other hand, acknowledging the existence of human nature enables us to organize society in ways that work with humans as they really are," which "allows nurture to work with nature instead of against it." Hence, the author suggests that social improvement programs may effectively correct societal ills if they take account of the existence of human nature. Consequently, the author does not suggest that attempts to correct societal ills are invariably at odds with human nature, nor that social improvement programs are much more liable to cause harm than to benefit human life. (Choice B) The author states that "[h]uman traits and tendencies are not the straitjackets some imagine, and recognizing their influence allows nurture to work with nature instead of against it" (Paragraph 5). Therefore, the author does not mention anything about changing human nature, but instead suggests using it to inform social programs.

Exam 4: Critical Analysis & Reasoning Skills