Question 1

"A Threat in the Air: How Stereotypes Shape Intellectual Identity and Performance" by Claude M. Steel
Steele discusses the dynamics of "stereotypical threat," which is the internalization of negative stereotypes that pose achievement barriers among women in advanced quantitative areas and blacks in school. The author discusses how identification with school and its subdivisions can produce inferior performance pursuant to societal pressures that make domain-identified students conscious and activate the stenotypes.
-How does stereotypical threat produce disidentification?

Accepted Answer

The answer of "A Threat in the Air: How Stereotypes...

Question 2

"The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing Discrimination" by Vincent J. Roscigno, Diana L. Karafin, and Griff Tester
Roscigno, Karafin, and Tester explore the dynamics of discrimination in the housing market. Their approach is unusually broad in two ways: 1) they focus on both "exclusionary" and "non-exclusionary practices, and 2) they utilize both quantitative and qualitative analytic techniques to meaningfully discuss the causal mechanisms that underlie discrimination in the housing market. Their approach sheds light on the wide range of causes of discrimination that appear to disproportionately handicap African American women.
-How do audit studies work? What are their strengths and weaknesses?

Accepted Answer

The answer of "The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing...

Question 3

"The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing Discrimination" by Vincent J. Roscigno, Diana L. Karafin, and Griff Tester
Roscigno, Karafin, and Tester explore the dynamics of discrimination in the housing market. Their approach is unusually broad in two ways: 1) they focus on both "exclusionary" and "non-exclusionary practices, and 2) they utilize both quantitative and qualitative analytic techniques to meaningfully discuss the causal mechanisms that underlie discrimination in the housing market. Their approach sheds light on the wide range of causes of discrimination that appear to disproportionately handicap African American women.
-Discuss the difference between "exclusionary" and "non-exclusionary" forms of housing discrimination.

Accepted Answer

The answer of "The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing...

Question 4

"The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing Discrimination" by Vincent J. Roscigno, Diana L. Karafin, and Griff Tester
Roscigno, Karafin, and Tester explore the dynamics of discrimination in the housing market. Their approach is unusually broad in two ways: 1) they focus on both "exclusionary" and "non-exclusionary practices, and 2) they utilize both quantitative and qualitative analytic techniques to meaningfully discuss the causal mechanisms that underlie discrimination in the housing market. Their approach sheds light on the wide range of causes of discrimination that appear to disproportionately handicap African American women.
-What is "social closure" and how may it cause housing discrimination?

Accepted Answer

The answer of "The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing...

Question 5

"The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing Discrimination" by Vincent J. Roscigno, Diana L. Karafin, and Griff Tester
Roscigno, Karafin, and Tester explore the dynamics of discrimination in the housing market. Their approach is unusually broad in two ways: 1) they focus on both "exclusionary" and "non-exclusionary practices, and 2) they utilize both quantitative and qualitative analytic techniques to meaningfully discuss the causal mechanisms that underlie discrimination in the housing market. Their approach sheds light on the wide range of causes of discrimination that appear to disproportionately handicap African American women.
-What explains African American women being disproportionately overrepresented in both exclusionary and non-exclusionary discriminatory practices in the real estate market?

Accepted Answer

The answer of "The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing...

Question 6

"The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing Discrimination" by Vincent J. Roscigno, Diana L. Karafin, and Griff Tester
Roscigno, Karafin, and Tester explore the dynamics of discrimination in the housing market. Their approach is unusually broad in two ways: 1) they focus on both "exclusionary" and "non-exclusionary practices, and 2) they utilize both quantitative and qualitative analytic techniques to meaningfully discuss the causal mechanisms that underlie discrimination in the housing market. Their approach sheds light on the wide range of causes of discrimination that appear to disproportionately handicap African American women.
-Racial segregation in housing has been on the decline in major metropolitan areas over the course of the last several decades.

Accepted Answer

Racial segregation in housing, while it has seen changes over the years, remains a significant issue in many major metropolitan areas, often due to systemic and historical factors that continue to influence housing patterns today.

Question 7

"The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing Discrimination" by Vincent J. Roscigno, Diana L. Karafin, and Griff Tester
Roscigno, Karafin, and Tester explore the dynamics of discrimination in the housing market. Their approach is unusually broad in two ways: 1) they focus on both "exclusionary" and "non-exclusionary practices, and 2) they utilize both quantitative and qualitative analytic techniques to meaningfully discuss the causal mechanisms that underlie discrimination in the housing market. Their approach sheds light on the wide range of causes of discrimination that appear to disproportionately handicap African American women.
-What has been a noticeable limitation in previous research on housing discrimination?
A) Failure to identify rates of discrimination
B) Failure to conduct audit studies
C) Failure to identify causal mechanisms that drive discrimination
D) Failure to study a subject matter, discrimination, that was not believed to exist.

Accepted Answer

The authors argue that previous research on housing discrimination has been limited by a failure to identify the causal mechanisms that drive discrimination.

Question 8

"The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing Discrimination" by Vincent J. Roscigno, Diana L. Karafin, and Griff Tester
Roscigno, Karafin, and Tester explore the dynamics of discrimination in the housing market. Their approach is unusually broad in two ways: 1) they focus on both "exclusionary" and "non-exclusionary practices, and 2) they utilize both quantitative and qualitative analytic techniques to meaningfully discuss the causal mechanisms that underlie discrimination in the housing market. Their approach sheds light on the wide range of causes of discrimination that appear to disproportionately handicap African American women.
-Which of the following actors have not been implicated in fostering housing discrimination?
A) Realtors
B) Mortgage brokers
C) The Federal Fair Housing Act
D) Civic and neighborhood-group associations.

Accepted Answer

The Federal Fair Housing Act is actually a law put in place to prevent discrimination in the housing market, so it is not implicated in fostering housing discrimination. Realtors, mortgage brokers, and civic and neighborhood-group associations have all been found to engage in discriminatory practices.

Question 9

From "Historical Context and Hazard Waste Facility Siting: Understanding Temporal Patterns in Michigan" by Robin Saha and Paul Mohai
The authors provide a changing historical account of the development of public environmental concern about hazardous waste sites, delineating three periods characterized by changing public concern, legal standing/responsibility for the siting of hazardous waste, and political participation in movements to structure the siting of hazardous waste. The authors maintain that varying levels of concern and participation in conjunction with changing legal responsibility for siting and the evolving dynamics of deindustrialization led to racial and class discrimination in the siting of waste.
-What factors led to the first important public outcry regarding the siting of hazardous waste materials in the 1970s?

Accepted Answer

The answer of From "Historical Context and Hazard Waste Facility...

Question 10

From "Historical Context and Hazard Waste Facility Siting: Understanding Temporal Patterns in Michigan" by Robin Saha and Paul Mohai
The authors provide a changing historical account of the development of public environmental concern about hazardous waste sites, delineating three periods characterized by changing public concern, legal standing/responsibility for the siting of hazardous waste, and political participation in movements to structure the siting of hazardous waste. The authors maintain that varying levels of concern and participation in conjunction with changing legal responsibility for siting and the evolving dynamics of deindustrialization led to racial and class discrimination in the siting of waste.
-What do the authors mean when they say the siting of hazardous waste sites has increasingly become "discriminatory"?

Accepted Answer

The answer of From "Historical Context and Hazard Waste Facility...

Question 11

From "Historical Context and Hazard Waste Facility Siting: Understanding Temporal Patterns in Michigan" by Robin Saha and Paul Mohai
The authors provide a changing historical account of the development of public environmental concern about hazardous waste sites, delineating three periods characterized by changing public concern, legal standing/responsibility for the siting of hazardous waste, and political participation in movements to structure the siting of hazardous waste. The authors maintain that varying levels of concern and participation in conjunction with changing legal responsibility for siting and the evolving dynamics of deindustrialization led to racial and class discrimination in the siting of waste.
-In the post-Love Canal era, how have political and legal factors along with public concern operated to determine the siting of hazardous wastes?

Accepted Answer

The answer of From "Historical Context and Hazard Waste Facility...

Question 12

From "Historical Context and Hazard Waste Facility Siting: Understanding Temporal Patterns in Michigan" by Robin Saha and Paul Mohai
The authors provide a changing historical account of the development of public environmental concern about hazardous waste sites, delineating three periods characterized by changing public concern, legal standing/responsibility for the siting of hazardous waste, and political participation in movements to structure the siting of hazardous waste. The authors maintain that varying levels of concern and participation in conjunction with changing legal responsibility for siting and the evolving dynamics of deindustrialization led to racial and class discrimination in the siting of waste.
-Describe what the authors mean when saying that the siting of hazardous wastes have been determined by a "pattern of least resistance."

Accepted Answer

The answer of From "Historical Context and Hazard Waste Facility...

Question 13

From "Historical Context and Hazard Waste Facility Siting: Understanding Temporal Patterns in Michigan" by Robin Saha and Paul Mohai
The authors provide a changing historical account of the development of public environmental concern about hazardous waste sites, delineating three periods characterized by changing public concern, legal standing/responsibility for the siting of hazardous waste, and political participation in movements to structure the siting of hazardous waste. The authors maintain that varying levels of concern and participation in conjunction with changing legal responsibility for siting and the evolving dynamics of deindustrialization led to racial and class discrimination in the siting of waste.
-Public concern about environmental issues/hazardous wastes has remained relatively constant between 1970-1990.

Accepted Answer

The authors argue that public concern about hazardous waste sites has not remained constant but has evolved over time, influenced by various factors including legal, political, and social dynamics, leading to changing patterns in the siting of hazardous waste facilities and associated environmental justice issues.

Question 14

From "Historical Context and Hazard Waste Facility Siting: Understanding Temporal Patterns in Michigan" by Robin Saha and Paul Mohai
The authors provide a changing historical account of the development of public environmental concern about hazardous waste sites, delineating three periods characterized by changing public concern, legal standing/responsibility for the siting of hazardous waste, and political participation in movements to structure the siting of hazardous waste. The authors maintain that varying levels of concern and participation in conjunction with changing legal responsibility for siting and the evolving dynamics of deindustrialization led to racial and class discrimination in the siting of waste.
-Prior to 1970, the location of hazardous sites had been distributed:
A) Relatively evenly across class lines
B) Relatively unevenly across class lines
C) Relatively unevenly across racial lines
D) All of the above.

Accepted Answer

The article states that "Prior to the establishment of federal regulations on toxic substances in the early 1970s, the siting of hazardous waste typically occurred in areas where land was economically cheap and sparsely populated." This suggests that the location of hazardous waste sites was distributed relatively evenly across class lines. There is no mention of racial discrimination at this point in time.

Question 15

From "Historical Context and Hazard Waste Facility Siting: Understanding Temporal Patterns in Michigan" by Robin Saha and Paul Mohai
The authors provide a changing historical account of the development of public environmental concern about hazardous waste sites, delineating three periods characterized by changing public concern, legal standing/responsibility for the siting of hazardous waste, and political participation in movements to structure the siting of hazardous waste. The authors maintain that varying levels of concern and participation in conjunction with changing legal responsibility for siting and the evolving dynamics of deindustrialization led to racial and class discrimination in the siting of waste.
-Which of the following groups have been least successful in mobilizing to keep hazardous sites out of their communities:
A) The upper-middle class
B) The middle class
C) Minority communities
D) The working class.

Accepted Answer

The article notes that minority communities have been particularly affected by the siting of hazardous waste facilities due to factors such as systemic racism and lack of political power. Thus, they have been least successful in mobilizing to keep these sites out of their communities.

Question 16

From "Are Emily and Greg More Employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination" by Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan
The authors conduct a field experiment to determine if stereotypical ethnic and non-ethnic sounding names in resumes as well as return mailing addresses constitutes a perceived proxy for race, and, thus, constitutes racial discrimination in job applicant "callbacks." The authors find it likely that a form of discrimination operates at all occupational levels and credentialing statuses.
-Discuss the limitations of the methodology to identify discrimination employed by the authors.

Accepted Answer

The answer of From "Are Emily and Greg More Employable...

Question 17

From "Are Emily and Greg More Employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination" by Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan
The authors conduct a field experiment to determine if stereotypical ethnic and non-ethnic sounding names in resumes as well as return mailing addresses constitutes a perceived proxy for race, and, thus, constitutes racial discrimination in job applicant "callbacks." The authors find it likely that a form of discrimination operates at all occupational levels and credentialing statuses.
-Discuss findings concerning the racial gap in callbacks:
A) across the occupational structure, and
B) in "returns" to credentials.

Accepted Answer

The answer of From "Are Emily and Greg More Employable...

Question 18

From "Are Emily and Greg More Employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination" by Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan
The authors conduct a field experiment to determine if stereotypical ethnic and non-ethnic sounding names in resumes as well as return mailing addresses constitutes a perceived proxy for race, and, thus, constitutes racial discrimination in job applicant "callbacks." The authors find it likely that a form of discrimination operates at all occupational levels and credentialing statuses.
-The racial gap in callbacks widens as the quality of resumes increases.

Accepted Answer

The authors found that the racial gap in callbacks widens as the quality of resumes increases.

Question 19

From "Are Emily and Greg More Employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination" by Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan
The authors conduct a field experiment to determine if stereotypical ethnic and non-ethnic sounding names in resumes as well as return mailing addresses constitutes a perceived proxy for race, and, thus, constitutes racial discrimination in job applicant "callbacks." The authors find it likely that a form of discrimination operates at all occupational levels and credentialing statuses.
-The authors' study is intended to determine if there is discrimination in:
A) Firing
B) Hiring
C) Promotions
D) Layoffs.

Accepted Answer

The study focuses on discrimination in the process of hiring job applicants based on their perceived race, as determined by their names and return mailing addresses on their resumes. The study does not address discrimination in firing, promotions, or layoffs.

Question 20

From "Are Emily and Greg More Employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination" by Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan
The authors conduct a field experiment to determine if stereotypical ethnic and non-ethnic sounding names in resumes as well as return mailing addresses constitutes a perceived proxy for race, and, thus, constitutes racial discrimination in job applicant "callbacks." The authors find it likely that a form of discrimination operates at all occupational levels and credentialing statuses.
-In addition to names, the findings also suggest discrimination is taking place on the basis of:
A) Signatures
B) Addresses
C) Writing utensils used in filling out application forms
D) None of the above.

Accepted Answer

The authors find that discrimination is taking place on the basis of return mailing addresses, as well as names. There is no mention of signatures or writing utensils being a factor.

Quiz 3: Status Section A: Race and Ethnicity